WEBVTT

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It was a bet between a sick, twisted, malevolent entomologist masquerading as a demographic

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expert who called babies a disaster and was wrong about literally everything he ever predicted.

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And a pro-human, life-affirming economist who switched from team death to team life

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when he realized that the ultimate resource, that is humanity's capacity for ingenuity

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and adaptation, was something to be celebrated, not something to be decried as our would-be-overlords

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bid us do.

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It was a bet, in other words, between good and evil.

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Paul Ehrlich bet against humanity.

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Julian Simon bet on humanity.

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Now here's the awkward part for the psychopaths and twisted individuals in establishment media

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and academic circles who seek to curry favor with the would-be social engineers by being

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so against humanity, Julian Simon won the bet, and that's precisely why you've never heard

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about it.

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Let's fix that.

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Today on The Corbett Report, we're going to do a deep dive on the most important bet

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you've never heard of.

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You're listening to The Corbett Report.

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The first thing that should happen is that the president ought to say, from now here

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on out, no intelligent patriotic American family ought to have more than two children

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preferably one, if you're starting a family now.

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Not any law, but just say, this is what responsible people do.

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You ought to make the FCC see to it that large families are always treated in a negative

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light on television wherever they appear.

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There ought to be a tremendous amount of television time devoted to spot commercials,

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the sort we've had against smoking, but the ones in the middle say, in the middle

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of Beverly Hillbillies, you get a scene which shows Los Angeles in the smog, and

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it just says, this city has a fatal disease.

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It's called overpopulation, and so long.

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Now that sort of campaign, you could have a census, a sample census, which would see whether

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that was having a desired effect.

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If that didn't, you could move to giving women bonuses for not having babies.

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That almost certainly would do the job.

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If that didn't have the effect, then you could move to changing the tax structure

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so that people who had the money and had the children paid for the children.

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In other words, you would increase taxes on people with children rather than decrease,

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and since when they have the children, they require more services.

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If that doesn't work, then you'll have the government legislating the size of the family,

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and people say, oh, that's impossible.

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Government can never intrude and tell you how many children to have.

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Well, I got news.

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You know, it intruded a long time ago and told you how many wives you can have,

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and there's not the slightest question that if we don't get the population under control

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with voluntary means that in the not-too-distant future,

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the government will simply tell you how many children you can have

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and throw you in jail if you have too many.

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Welcome back, friends.

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Welcome back to another edition of The Corbett Report.

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I'm your host, James Corbett of CorbettReport.com,

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coming to you as always from the sunny climbs of Western Japan here in late March of 2026.

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With episode 496 of The Corbett Report podcast,

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the most important bet you've never heard of.

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Now, as I am sure that my well-informed listeners and viewers are well aware,

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that was a snippet of an interview conducted with Dr. Paul Erlich by WOITV of Ames, Iowa

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in April of 1970, aka that period of time, that strange and interesting period,

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where this otherwise obscure entomologist, aka bug scientist,

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was rocketing to worldwide fame on the back of the success of his 1968

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fear-mongering, hype-filled book of doom saying called The Population Bomb,

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and his subsequent appearances on The Tonight Show with Johnny Carson

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and other media outlets.

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Yes, in that strange time, late 1960s, early 1970s, Paul Erlich became

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the government-approved establishment media-sanctioned academic superstar

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who was allowed to pronounce on the fate of humanity however wrong he was in those pronouncements.

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As I say, I'm sure that my well-informed audience is aware of Paul Erlich

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and his infamous career of predicting things that did not come to pass,

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time and time and time and time again throughout the years,

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but if not, you can get caught up to speed, not only with his recent death and our recent

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pronouncements on that in the recent edition of New World Next Week.

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Erlich contributes to the depopulation agenda with James Evan Pallotto of mediumonarchy.com,

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but of course you can also consult episode 339 of the Corbett Report podcast

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on Meet Paul Erlich, pseudoscience charlatan.

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Erlich was many things, but cautious and understated he was not.

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The Population Bomb opens with the lines,

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the battle to feed all of humanity is over.

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In the 1970s, hundreds of millions of people will starve to death

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in spite of any crash programs embarked upon now.

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And it only got worse from there.

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As far as petroleum goes, you all know that where the action is there,

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we're running out rapidly, some estimates are it'll all be gone by the year 2000

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and conflict over that is getting to be rather serious.

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You just got to remember this, there's no way out of the arithmetic,

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there will never be seven billion people in the year 2000.

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Sometime in the next 15 years, the end will come and by the end,

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I mean an utter breakdown of the capacity of the planet to support humanity.

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Incredibly, these predictions of doomsday are no mere aberrations in the career of an otherwise

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careful and understated researcher.

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In fact, they barely scratch the surface of the catalogue of Erlich's ridiculous

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and ridiculously wrong chicken little pronouncements.

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Speaking at the Institute of Biology in London in 1969,

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Erlich opined that if I were a gambler,

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I would take even money that England will not exist in the year 2000.

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Population will inevitably and completely outstrip whatever small increases in food supplies we make,

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Erlich told Mademoiselle magazine in 1970.

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The death rate will increase until at least 100 to 200 million people per year

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will be starving to death during the next 10 years.

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And what of the decade after that?

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Writing about the great die-off in the pages of the Progressive in April 1970,

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Erlich warned that 4 billion people would starve to death in the 1980s,

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including 65 million Americans.

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Most remarkable of all, decades of being spectacularly wrong

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have not stopped Erlich from continuing to spread his particularly distasteful brand of doom porn.

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He was back at it just this past March,

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assuring readers of The Guardian that overpopulation means that the collapse of civilization itself

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is a near certainty in the next few decades.

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If only Paul Erlich was an unsuccessful charlatan,

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barking his end of the world predictions like a madman on a street corner,

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it may be possible to dismiss him as a harmless crank.

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But rather than being shunned as a charlatan,

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Erlich has been embraced by the respectable scientific community.

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He has been awarded the Kraftward Prize from the Royal Swedish Academy of Sciences,

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the World Ecology Award from the University of Missouri,

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the Distinguished Scientist Award of the American Institute of Biological Sciences,

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as well as prizes and awards from the Sierra Club,

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the World Wildlife Fund, the United Nations and a slew of other organizations.

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He was awarded a MacArthur Prize Fellowship and became a Fellow of the Royal Society of London in 2012.

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He continues to deliver lectures around the world and is still sought after for comment

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on population and ecology issues by mainstream media outlets,

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and he currently holds the position of being Professor of Population Studies

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of the Department of Biology at Stanford University.

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But none of this, not the consistently wrong predictions,

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not the fear mongering, not the accolades and career success,

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is as concerning as Erlich's ultimate solution

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for the problem of overpopulation that he claims to detail.

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Hi, my question is for Paul Erlich.

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Do you have any regrets about urging developed countries

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to use their political power to coerce vulnerable countries

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into drastic population control programs,

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having heard of the atrocities in India and China?

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Yes, definitely. If I were writing the,

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Van and I were writing the Population Bomb again today,

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we'd write it differently.

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Sometimes you make mistakes.

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I think that was a mistake.

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I don't think the recent thing that the Chinese,

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are you going to have a question later on the Chinese policy?

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No, please, you can go on.

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I'm not trying to censor what you're saying.

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No, no, no, that's all right.

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I think the main problem with the Chinese stopping,

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I think, their one child family program

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is the moral hazard one.

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That is the Chinese,

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it's not going to increase their family size very much.

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We know now that in the past,

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they probably would have gotten to the same place

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if they had not had the relatively coercive program.

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It's still much debated.

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But some of the things we did not recommend,

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we said these are the sorts of things

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that have been suggested or could be done.

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A good example is we said in one of our publications

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that it would be one of the things that might be good

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if you could do it safely and biologically safely

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would be to add something to the water supply,

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excuse my laryngitis,

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add something to the water supply,

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that would make you have to take an antidote

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before you can have a baby.

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And everybody said, that's just terrible, that's ghastly.

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Ghastly?

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Did it get rid of the whole abortion problem?

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Get rid of the whole unwanted child problem?

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Make people make rational decisions?

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It's certainly one of the things that every government

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must pay great attention to

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is the size and composition of its population.

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It's probably the number one thing

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that should be in government policy.

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It at least is discussed in Australia.

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In the United States, you can't even dare discuss it.

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Protestations aside, forced sterilization programs

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were indeed something that Erlich discussed frequently

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and in great detail in his early work

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on the population issue.

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That is, before the public fully realized

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the horrors of his ostensible solution

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to the population crisis.

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In 1969, the New York Times reported

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how Erlich had told the United States Commission

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for UNESCO that

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the government might have to put

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sterility drugs in reservoirs

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and in food ship to foreign countries

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to limit human multiplication.

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A 1972 article in the Boca Raton News

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noting this proposal,

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decried Erlich as worse than Hitler

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and pointed out how he opposed efforts

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to lift the Chinese out of poverty.

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It also quoted him as suggesting

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that some form of world governance

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was going to be necessary to institute

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international policy planning

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to save the globe.

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But most damning of all is Ecoscience,

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a 1977 textbook co-authored by Paul Erlich,

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his wife Anne, and John P. Holdren

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who would go on to become Obama's science czar.

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In this book, they not only double down

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on the idea of adding sterilence

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to the water supply,

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noting that no such sterilent exists today

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and lamenting that it would have to clear

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a number of technical hurdles

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in order to be acceptable,

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but they actually go so far as to argue

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the constitutionality of population control

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and even forced abortions,

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concluding that such a practice

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could be sustained under the existing constitution.

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In this book, they also greatly elaborate

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on the type of world governmental body

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that would be required to enact

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a truly global population control program,

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calling it a planetary regime,

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which they describe as sort of an international super agency

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for population resources and environment.

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They argue that it could control the development,

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administration, conservation,

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and distribution of all natural resources,

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renewable or non-renewable,

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at least insofar as international implications exist,

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including all international trade

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and all food on the international market.

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The planetary regime might be given responsibility

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for determining the optimum population for the world

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and for each region

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and for arbitrating various country shares

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within their national limits.

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Control of population size

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might remain the responsibility of each government,

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but the regime would have some power

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to enforce the agreed limits.

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As I say, I'm sure that my well-informed

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listeners and viewers already know,

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at least a little bit about Paul Ehrlich

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and his incredible track record

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of getting everything he ever pronounced completely,

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100% demonstrably wrong,

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and yet being lauded in the establishment media

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as some sort of scientific hero for doing so.

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But if you aren't aware of that story,

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then yes, please, absolutely,

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you should check out Episode 339 of the Corporate Report

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on Meet Paul Ehrlich's Pseudo-Science charlatan

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because I go into that story in great depth.

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And also introduce another character

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who is the other side of today's eponymous bet,

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namely Julian Simon,

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a professor of economics and business administration

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at the University of Illinois in the 1960s, 70s, 80s,

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as at the exact same time as Paul Ehrlich was operating,

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who, like Ehrlich, became very interested

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in the question of population and natural resources,

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and who, like Ehrlich, started from that Malthusian world view

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that there are too many people

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and we must find a way to reduce that number,

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but ended up coming to a very different conclusion.

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I came here to Washington

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to enlist the aid of the State Department's

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Agency for International Development, AID,

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in an experiment to pay people in India

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to have fewer children.

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Because I, as so many other people then,

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as almost everybody then, and as still most people now,

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thought that fewer people would be a good thing

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and that population growth was one of the great threats

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to humankind along with war.

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And as I was waiting for this appointment,

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I leaned over the balcony, it was a spring day,

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and I saw a sign pointing to the Iwo Jima Memorial.

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And I remembered reading about the Jewish chaplain

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giving a eulogy at Iwo Jima and saying,

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I wonder how many Mozart, Mozart's, and Einstein's,

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and Leonardo da Vinci's we are burying here today.

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That moved me when I read it,

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it moves me when I think about it now,

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and then I got to think,

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what am I doing in this business

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trying to have fewer human beings on the face of the earth,

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which may mean fewer Einstein's, fewer Leonardo's, and so on.

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So that moment was a big shock to me, yes indeed.

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It happened about the same time that I first came across this

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evidence suggesting that more human beings,

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more rapid population growth,

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did not mean poor economic development.

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So the two things went hand in hand.

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Now, hopefully my audience is aware of Julian Simon and his work,

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if only because I have had cause to mention it a number of times here

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on the Corbett Report,

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not only for example in the aforementioned Episode 339 of this podcast,

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but also in my important but often neglected questions for Corbett

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on are there limits to growth?

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So if you are interested,

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if you do not remember that episode,

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or if you didn't see it at the time,

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please consult the transcript for today's episode

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at corporatereport.com slash the bet for a link directly to that episode.

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But long story short, yes,

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Julian Simon had a very, in fact,

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precisely contradictory view of human population growth

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as compared to Paul Ehrlich and the Ehrlich's of the world generally.

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But if you don't know about Julian Simon or his ideas,

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well, you're not to be blamed for that.

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I suppose it isn't hard to see why Ehrlich became a media superstar

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and Simon was shunted off into obscurity.

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And there are a couple of reasons for that.

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First and most easily understood is that Paul Ehrlich's idea,

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his argument, his fundamental argument for population growth bad,

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is so simple that a five-year-old can understand it.

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I want candy.

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That boy ate candy.

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Now there's no candy.

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Is a very simple argument, but it is also very simplistic.

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Julian Simon's counter to that, however,

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is not at all intuitive, but is actually demonstrably correct

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and much more insightful.

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Namely, the observation that as growing population

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puts greater demand on various resources,

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the human ingenuity that is used to devise solutions

17:36.700 --> 17:38.460
to that problem of growing demand,

17:38.560 --> 17:41.600
whether that be better methods for extracting

17:41.600 --> 17:43.400
or refining or using materials

17:43.400 --> 17:45.740
or finding alternative materials, et cetera,

17:45.920 --> 17:48.920
actually leaves humanity better off

17:48.920 --> 17:51.900
than it was before that problem arose.

17:52.540 --> 17:54.880
As I say, that is not at all intuitive,

17:54.900 --> 17:56.860
but it is not only insightful.

17:57.020 --> 17:58.920
It is demonstrably correct.

17:59.560 --> 18:04.640
Any resource that you can think of is orders of magnitude

18:04.640 --> 18:07.200
cheaper for us to procure today

18:07.200 --> 18:10.940
than it was for our ancestors a century or two centuries

18:10.940 --> 18:12.460
or a millennia ago.

18:13.580 --> 18:17.840
That's again, not something that most people understand right away.

18:17.920 --> 18:19.860
It has to be explained to them.

18:20.420 --> 18:23.100
And undoubtedly, there are still those who need explanation

18:23.800 --> 18:25.520
about that, which is why you should see

18:25.520 --> 18:26.720
are their limits to growth.

18:27.300 --> 18:32.020
But the other, and perhaps even more obvious answer

18:32.020 --> 18:34.140
to why Erlich became the superstar,

18:34.580 --> 18:38.060
who was the one all the accolades and awards

18:38.060 --> 18:41.780
and was the scientist, the expert that we all had to listen to,

18:42.060 --> 18:45.380
whereas Simon is a footnote in the history of economics,

18:45.800 --> 18:48.940
is because Erlich was the mouthpiece

18:48.940 --> 18:51.940
for the psychopathic, malevolent,

18:52.080 --> 18:54.060
anti-human social engineers

18:54.060 --> 18:58.520
who want to engineer their hatred of humanity into us

18:58.520 --> 19:02.560
so that we begin to desire our own extinction.

19:03.560 --> 19:07.300
That is why Erlich became the media darling.

19:07.860 --> 19:12.020
And I guess, again, there are many things to say about this,

19:12.260 --> 19:14.600
but one thing that needs to be clarified

19:14.600 --> 19:17.800
is that me calling Erlich wrong about everything

19:17.800 --> 19:19.620
and Simon was the one who had it right

19:19.620 --> 19:23.540
is not just a matter of opinion, it's a matter of fact.

19:23.540 --> 19:28.500
And that revolves around the bet that this podcast is about.

19:28.980 --> 19:30.380
So what was that bet?

19:30.900 --> 19:33.920
How did it arise and what was the wager?

19:35.240 --> 19:38.700
The celebrity environmentalist and the little known skeptic

19:38.700 --> 19:42.180
collided directly at the end of the 1970s,

19:42.300 --> 19:44.160
ending the decade locked in a bet

19:44.160 --> 19:47.280
that would leave their legacies forever intertwined.

19:47.940 --> 19:51.300
In 1980, Simon challenged Erlich in

19:51.300 --> 19:54.120
social science quarterly to a contest

19:54.120 --> 19:57.280
that directly tested their competing visions of the future,

19:57.880 --> 20:00.700
one apocalyptic and fearful of human excess,

20:01.460 --> 20:04.620
the other optimistic and bullish about human progress.

20:05.880 --> 20:09.660
Erlich agreed to bet Simon that the cost of chromium,

20:09.980 --> 20:12.180
copper, nickel, tin, and tungsten

20:12.180 --> 20:14.380
would increase in the next decade.

20:15.120 --> 20:17.680
It was a simple thousand dollar wager,

20:17.680 --> 20:22.980
five industrial metals, ten years, prices up or down.

20:23.680 --> 20:26.960
At the same time, the bet stood for much more.

20:27.780 --> 20:30.460
Erlich thought rising metal prices would prove

20:30.460 --> 20:33.100
that population growth caused resource scarcity,

20:33.660 --> 20:36.880
bolstering his call for government-led population control

20:36.880 --> 20:39.060
and for limits on resource consumption.

20:39.920 --> 20:42.900
Erlich's conviction reflected a more general sense

20:42.900 --> 20:45.860
after the 1973 Arab oil embargo

20:45.860 --> 20:48.960
that the world risked running out of vital resources

20:48.960 --> 20:51.240
and faced hard limits to growth.

20:51.800 --> 20:54.860
Simon argued that markets and new technologies

20:54.860 --> 20:58.500
would drive prices down, proving that society

20:58.500 --> 21:00.340
did not face resource constraints

21:00.340 --> 21:03.920
and that human welfare was on a path of steady improvement.

21:04.760 --> 21:08.020
The outcome of the bet would either provide ammunition

21:08.020 --> 21:10.780
for Erlich's campaign against population growth

21:10.780 --> 21:15.000
and environmental calamity, or promote Simon's optimism

21:15.000 --> 21:18.080
about human resourcefulness through new technologies

21:18.080 --> 21:19.300
and market forces.

21:21.080 --> 21:25.020
That was a short extract from The Bet, Paul Erlich, Julian Simon,

21:25.240 --> 21:27.700
and Our Gamble Over Earth's Future by Paul Sabine,

21:27.900 --> 21:30.420
which is one of the few, if not the only,

21:30.840 --> 21:34.920
full-length manuscript-level study of The Bet

21:34.920 --> 21:36.520
between Simon and Erlich.

21:36.800 --> 21:38.660
And I bring it to your attention because

21:38.660 --> 21:41.440
it is one of the very, very few mainstream,

21:42.000 --> 21:47.040
and at least known, studies of what actually happened

21:47.040 --> 21:48.300
between Simon and Erlich.

21:48.880 --> 21:52.220
But that is not an unreserved recommendation,

21:52.220 --> 21:54.940
and there are some quibbles that one might have

21:54.940 --> 21:57.280
with this book and its fundamental bias.

21:58.000 --> 22:01.100
So on that note, I'll send you to Pierre Des Rochers

22:01.100 --> 22:05.560
of MasterResource.org and his recent re-review of that book,

22:06.000 --> 22:08.540
a re-look at The Bet, Simon, Erlich, and Paul Sabine.

22:09.080 --> 22:10.760
Definitely worth checking out.

22:10.760 --> 22:13.540
Anyway, this is one of the very, very few times

22:13.540 --> 22:14.980
that The Bet has been covered in detail.

22:15.100 --> 22:19.020
But as Des Rochers mentions, probably still the standard

22:19.020 --> 22:22.500
for This Bet and coverage of it was set of all places

22:22.500 --> 22:25.460
in the New York Times Magazine in December of 1990

22:25.460 --> 22:28.620
by John Tierney, who wrote Betting on the Planet.

22:28.820 --> 22:32.240
And the reason that this managed to get any coverage

22:32.240 --> 22:34.580
whatsoever in the establishment press,

22:34.720 --> 22:38.220
and then and only then only in the New York Times

22:38.220 --> 22:42.420
Magazine was because John Tierney was a standard

22:43.200 --> 22:47.080
establishment media repeater who, like all of the people

22:47.080 --> 22:50.060
in his class, reporting for the Epstein class

22:50.060 --> 22:52.800
and the Pennymasters of the New York Times Magazine,

22:53.120 --> 22:55.740
had the same worldview, the same malevolent,

22:55.800 --> 22:58.980
Malthusian, anti-human worldview as all of his colleagues,

22:59.280 --> 23:04.120
and was in 1985 preparing a report for some mainstream

23:04.120 --> 23:06.460
publication or other Rolling Stone or Newsweek

23:06.460 --> 23:10.340
or Atlantic Monthly or any of the other periodicals

23:10.340 --> 23:13.940
he was reporting for at the time on population growth in Kenya.

23:14.280 --> 23:17.060
And he reached out to an economist for a quote

23:17.060 --> 23:20.400
about population growth, expecting the standard quote

23:20.400 --> 23:21.480
that everyone would expect.

23:21.920 --> 23:23.900
The economist lecturing, oh, there are too many people

23:23.900 --> 23:24.960
and we're going to have to do something

23:24.960 --> 23:26.060
to reduce the population.

23:26.380 --> 23:29.440
Instead, he got Julian Simon on the other end of the line

23:29.440 --> 23:32.360
who surprised him by saying, isn't it a wonderful thing

23:32.360 --> 23:34.820
that so many people can be alive in that country today?

23:34.820 --> 23:38.860
And that struck John Tierney like a lightning bolt.

23:39.160 --> 23:42.680
And from that point on, he very much changed his tune

23:42.680 --> 23:44.960
and began reporting against the interests

23:44.960 --> 23:48.560
of the Epstein class on things like the bet.

23:48.800 --> 23:51.460
And so he was the only reporter to give any coverage

23:51.460 --> 23:55.400
of the bet and what happened with it there in December 1990

23:56.060 --> 23:57.400
as the bet finally concluded.

23:57.900 --> 24:00.680
So his way of framing this in this article

24:00.680 --> 24:03.440
was Simon offered to let anyone pick

24:03.440 --> 24:06.360
any natural resource, grain, oil, coal, timber, metals,

24:06.500 --> 24:07.860
and any future date.

24:08.440 --> 24:10.920
If the resource really were to become scarcer

24:10.920 --> 24:13.900
as the world's population grew, then its price should rise.

24:14.480 --> 24:17.180
Simon wanted to bet that the price would instead decline

24:17.760 --> 24:18.820
by the appointed date.

24:19.300 --> 24:22.040
Erlich derisively announced that he would accept

24:22.040 --> 24:25.280
Simon's astonishing offer before other greedy people jump in.

24:25.820 --> 24:29.140
He then formed a consortium with John Hart and John P. Holdren.

24:29.780 --> 24:31.720
That's a name that should ring a bell to my regular audience.

24:31.720 --> 24:34.560
Colleagues at the University of California at Berkeley

24:34.560 --> 24:37.120
specializing in energy and resource questions.

24:37.440 --> 24:42.200
In October 1980, the Erlich group bet $1,000 on five metals

24:42.200 --> 24:44.080
that they themselves chose.

24:44.640 --> 24:47.320
Chrome, copper, nickel, tin, and tungsten

24:47.320 --> 24:51.520
in quantities that each cost $200 in the current market.

24:51.940 --> 24:54.400
A futures contract was drawn up obligating Simon

24:54.400 --> 24:56.300
to sell Erlich, Hart, and Holdren

24:56.300 --> 24:58.840
these same quantities of the metals 10 years later,

24:58.940 --> 25:00.800
but at 1980 prices.

25:01.440 --> 25:04.600
If the 1990 combined prices turned out to be higher

25:04.600 --> 25:08.200
than $1,000, Simon would pay them the difference in catch.

25:08.660 --> 25:10.760
If prices fell, they would pay him.

25:11.260 --> 25:13.400
The contract was signed and Erlich and Simon

25:13.400 --> 25:16.260
went on attacking each other throughout the 1980s.

25:16.540 --> 25:19.220
And so just on one economic note about what this

25:19.720 --> 25:21.520
bet was and how it was structured,

25:21.840 --> 25:24.360
please note that Simon was really putting himself

25:24.360 --> 25:28.320
on the line for absolutely any price rise to any level.

25:28.320 --> 25:31.040
So if prices rose to the point where it was

25:31.040 --> 25:32.800
a million dollars to buy those five metals,

25:32.820 --> 25:34.620
well, he'd have to pay the differences

25:34.620 --> 25:40.180
in the $999,000 difference to Erlich.

25:40.660 --> 25:42.360
But on the other side,

25:42.680 --> 25:44.700
Erlich could only be on the hook for $1,000.

25:44.940 --> 25:48.200
So if somehow the resources dropped to $0 by 1990,

25:48.580 --> 25:49.860
he would have to pay $1,000.

25:50.280 --> 25:52.080
So Simon was unlimited liability

25:52.080 --> 25:55.460
and Erlich had $1,000 liability.

25:55.460 --> 25:58.440
So it was a very, very fair and safe bet

25:58.440 --> 26:00.120
that Erlich, how could he lose?

26:00.300 --> 26:03.660
Because he knows that, I mean, hell, millions of people

26:03.660 --> 26:05.820
are tens of millions, hundreds of millions

26:05.820 --> 26:08.120
of people are going to starve to death by 1990,

26:08.120 --> 26:10.880
let alone the price of commodities.

26:11.140 --> 26:13.520
Oh yeah, you're going to try to buy commodities in 1990.

26:13.620 --> 26:15.500
Let me tell you, that's not going to work.

26:15.540 --> 26:16.980
Well, what actually happened?

26:17.160 --> 26:20.500
So after a lengthy and very voluminous

26:20.500 --> 26:23.120
detailed study here, we get to the punchline.

26:23.760 --> 26:26.140
The bet was settled this fall without ceremony.

26:26.540 --> 26:28.200
This fall, of course, indicating 1990,

26:28.580 --> 26:29.600
when this article was written,

26:30.200 --> 26:32.160
Erlich did not even bother to write a letter.

26:32.620 --> 26:35.040
He simply mailed Simon a sheet of calculations

26:35.040 --> 26:37.360
about metal prices, along with a check

26:37.360 --> 26:39.460
for $576.07.

26:40.320 --> 26:42.100
Simon wrote back a thank you note,

26:42.460 --> 26:44.380
adding that he would be willing to raise the wager

26:44.380 --> 26:46.200
to as much as $20,000,

26:46.660 --> 26:48.180
pinned to any other resource

26:48.180 --> 26:50.160
and to any other year in the future.

26:50.740 --> 26:53.320
Each of the five metals chosen by Erlich's group,

26:53.560 --> 26:55.700
when adjusted for inflation since 1980,

26:56.160 --> 26:57.460
had declined in price.

26:58.180 --> 27:00.620
The drop was so sharp, in fact,

27:01.040 --> 27:03.220
that Simon would have come out slightly ahead overall,

27:03.480 --> 27:05.560
even without the inflation adjustment

27:05.560 --> 27:06.640
called for in the bet.

27:07.160 --> 27:09.440
Prices fell for the same cornucopian reasons

27:09.440 --> 27:11.000
they had fallen in previous decades.

27:11.880 --> 27:14.280
Entrepreneurship and continuing technological improvements.

27:14.920 --> 27:16.480
Prospectors found new loads,

27:16.700 --> 27:18.380
such as the nickel mines around the market

27:18.380 --> 27:20.200
that ended at Canadian companies

27:20.200 --> 27:21.420
near monopoly of the market,

27:21.860 --> 27:25.100
around the world that ended at Canadian companies

27:25.100 --> 27:26.180
near monopoly of the market.

27:26.600 --> 27:28.100
Thanks to computers, new machines,

27:28.300 --> 27:29.280
and new chemical processes,

27:29.740 --> 27:31.160
there were more efficient ways

27:31.160 --> 27:32.980
to extract and refine the ores for chrome

27:32.980 --> 27:33.660
in the other metals.

27:34.260 --> 27:36.240
For many uses, the metals were replaced

27:36.240 --> 27:38.620
by cheaper materials, notably plastics,

27:38.940 --> 27:40.100
which became less expensive

27:40.100 --> 27:41.380
as the price of oil declined.

27:41.880 --> 27:44.060
Even during this year's crisis in the Persian Gulf,

27:44.200 --> 27:46.480
the real cost of oil remained lower than in 1980.

27:47.100 --> 27:48.980
Telephone calls went through satellites

27:48.980 --> 27:51.220
and fiber optic lines instead of copper wires.

27:51.720 --> 27:53.900
Ceramics replaced tungsten and cutting tools.

27:54.180 --> 27:55.940
Cans were made of aluminum instead of tin.

27:56.340 --> 27:59.280
And votes' fears about America going to war over tin

27:59.280 --> 28:00.700
remained unrealized.

28:01.060 --> 28:04.060
The most newsworthy event in the 1980s concerning that metal

28:04.060 --> 28:06.220
was the collapse of the international tin cartel,

28:06.360 --> 28:08.920
which gave up trying to set prices in 1985

28:08.920 --> 28:12.240
when the market became inundated with excess supplies.

28:13.220 --> 28:14.840
Is there a lesson here for the future?

28:16.160 --> 28:18.280
Absolutely not, said Ehrlich in an interview.

28:18.980 --> 28:21.680
Nevertheless, he has no plans to take up Simon's new offer.

28:22.380 --> 28:23.900
The bet doesn't mean anything.

28:24.340 --> 28:26.960
Julian Simon is like the guy who jumps off the Empire Statebuilding

28:26.960 --> 28:29.620
and says how great things are going so far

28:29.620 --> 28:31.040
as he passes the 10th floor.

28:31.580 --> 28:33.000
I still think the price of those metals

28:33.000 --> 28:35.180
will go up eventually, but that's a minor point.

28:35.600 --> 28:37.200
The resource that worries me the most

28:37.200 --> 28:39.240
is that declining capacity of our planet

28:39.240 --> 28:41.100
to buffer itself against human impacts.

28:41.440 --> 28:42.960
Look at the new problems that have come up.

28:42.960 --> 28:45.620
The ozone hole, acid rain, global warming.

28:46.100 --> 28:47.800
It's true that we've kept up food production.

28:48.200 --> 28:51.880
I underestimated how badly we'd keep on depleting

28:51.880 --> 28:53.020
our topsoil in groundwater.

28:53.680 --> 28:56.020
But I have no doubt that sometime in the next century

28:56.020 --> 28:57.940
food will be scarce enough that prices

28:57.940 --> 29:00.340
are really going to be high, even in the United States.

29:00.760 --> 29:04.240
If we get climate change and let the ecological systems

29:04.240 --> 29:05.320
keep running downhill,

29:05.320 --> 29:07.880
we could have a gigantic population crash.

29:09.120 --> 29:11.540
Simon was not surprised to hear about Ehrlich's reaction.

29:11.540 --> 29:14.740
Paul Ehrlich has never been able to learn from past experience,

29:14.860 --> 29:17.180
he said, then launched into the cornucopian line

29:17.180 --> 29:18.140
on the greenhouse crisis,

29:18.540 --> 29:20.080
how even in the unlikely event

29:20.080 --> 29:22.180
the doomsayers are right about global warming,

29:22.680 --> 29:24.820
which they're not, humanity will find some way

29:24.820 --> 29:26.300
to avert climate change or adapt,

29:26.480 --> 29:27.920
and everyone will emerge the better for it.

29:28.280 --> 29:30.120
But Simon did not get far into his argument

29:30.120 --> 29:31.740
before another cheery thought occurred to him.

29:32.000 --> 29:32.780
He stopped and smiled.

29:33.580 --> 29:36.520
So Ehrlich is talking about a population crash, he said.

29:37.080 --> 29:39.040
That sounds like an even better way to make money.

29:39.460 --> 29:41.020
I'll give him heavy odds on that one.

29:42.200 --> 29:44.820
All right, so there you have it.

29:44.940 --> 29:49.940
This is the actual result of this infamous decade long bet.

29:50.540 --> 29:52.840
And there is no doubt Simon was the winner

29:52.840 --> 29:54.820
and Ehrlich did not even have the courtesy

29:54.820 --> 29:57.640
to so much as supply a note along with the check.

29:57.820 --> 30:00.340
He just mailed a check and had done with it

30:00.340 --> 30:02.200
and never engaged Simon again

30:02.200 --> 30:04.640
because he knew he would be made full of again.

30:05.780 --> 30:07.720
If you're so sure of your convictions,

30:07.720 --> 30:11.620
I don't know, $20,000, any resource that you pick

30:11.620 --> 30:14.320
over any period of time, Paul Ehrlich,

30:14.540 --> 30:15.540
put your money where your mouth is.

30:15.580 --> 30:17.440
No, that doesn't mean anything.

30:18.020 --> 30:21.000
All right, so what does this bet really mean?

30:21.100 --> 30:22.680
What does it really prove?

30:22.800 --> 30:24.380
Does it prove anything at all?

30:24.460 --> 30:26.620
Or is it just economic hocus pocus?

30:26.920 --> 30:28.400
Well, there are arguments to be made

30:28.400 --> 30:31.980
that this is certainly not a definitive death blow

30:31.980 --> 30:35.540
to the Malthusians because they still exist,

30:36.100 --> 30:40.480
although they are one fewer in rank as of today in March of 2026.

30:40.760 --> 30:43.160
But anyway, yes, they still exist.

30:43.260 --> 30:43.800
They're still around.

30:43.920 --> 30:44.960
They're still making their arguments.

30:45.160 --> 30:46.780
How so when they lost the bet?

30:47.180 --> 30:49.080
Well, there are a number of arguments that could be made.

30:49.180 --> 30:51.360
But it is important to note that there are things

30:51.360 --> 30:53.420
that really did happen in the 1980s

30:53.420 --> 30:57.100
that really did prove the point that Simon was making

30:57.100 --> 31:00.600
and that was the underlying basis of the bet itself.

31:00.980 --> 31:05.120
For example, one can drill down on, say, 10.

31:05.120 --> 31:08.440
What did happen in the tin markets in the 1980s

31:08.440 --> 31:09.940
and what does that show us?

31:11.300 --> 31:14.800
The everyday market forces that Simon, Robert Solo,

31:15.080 --> 31:17.320
and other economists had cited in response

31:17.320 --> 31:20.320
to the limits to growth, technological innovation

31:20.320 --> 31:22.980
and substitution, price-driven competition,

31:23.620 --> 31:27.860
and new sources of supply also helped lower commodity prices.

31:28.680 --> 31:31.320
Each mineral had a slightly different story.

31:31.910 --> 31:35.860
Tin was used in the late 1970s and 1980s,

31:35.920 --> 31:38.500
largely to coat the interiors of steel containers,

31:39.040 --> 31:41.300
as well as for soldering electronic components.

31:42.000 --> 31:44.880
International tin prices depended heavily

31:44.880 --> 31:47.140
on agreements that tin-producing countries

31:47.140 --> 31:50.660
had made to limit production and sustain higher prices.

31:51.440 --> 31:54.940
During the late 1970s tin prices rose sharply.

31:55.520 --> 31:57.800
Many observers anticipated shortages.

31:58.620 --> 32:01.460
Malaysian producers sought to corner the tin market

32:01.460 --> 32:05.240
to force prices even higher in 1981 and 1982.

32:06.100 --> 32:08.260
New high-quality tin deposits discovered

32:08.260 --> 32:09.940
in the Brazilian Amazon, however,

32:10.360 --> 32:12.520
undermined this market-cornering effort.

32:13.440 --> 32:15.840
By the end of the 1980s, Brazil,

32:16.240 --> 32:18.040
a previously marginal producer,

32:18.520 --> 32:21.420
produced roughly one-quarter of the world's tin supply.

32:22.200 --> 32:24.680
At the higher prices of the late 1970s,

32:24.860 --> 32:26.980
demand for tin also started to fall.

32:27.980 --> 32:31.540
Manufacturers substituted aluminum and plastic for tin and packaging.

32:32.360 --> 32:34.400
Trying in vain to stabilize prices,

32:34.640 --> 32:36.980
the International Tin Agreement held a quarter

32:36.980 --> 32:39.500
of the world's annual tin production off the market.

32:40.320 --> 32:43.620
The International Tin Council soon ran out of money, however,

32:44.040 --> 32:45.280
and the agreement collapsed.

32:46.180 --> 32:48.060
Tin prices went into freefall,

32:48.500 --> 32:52.460
dropping more than 50% from $5.50 per pound

32:52.460 --> 32:58.060
in October 1985 to $2.50 per pound in March 1986.

32:59.060 --> 33:01.800
Overall, between 1980 and 1990,

33:02.460 --> 33:04.300
the gyrations of the tin market supported

33:04.300 --> 33:06.660
the arguments of Simon and the economists.

33:07.420 --> 33:10.040
New sources of supply, production substitution,

33:10.700 --> 33:13.700
and above all, the breaking of the tin cartel

33:13.700 --> 33:17.140
had a far greater impact than population growth on tin prices,

33:17.740 --> 33:20.920
ultimately driving them down almost 75%.

33:22.640 --> 33:25.860
So, the price of tin in the 1980s

33:25.860 --> 33:29.340
exactly reflects Simon's overall argument,

33:29.340 --> 33:31.940
that in fact, not only did it not go up

33:31.940 --> 33:34.340
because, oh my God, we're running out of tin,

33:34.820 --> 33:37.200
but in fact, the price fell dramatically

33:37.200 --> 33:39.780
because other methods were found,

33:39.920 --> 33:44.060
other resources were found for various production needs for tin,

33:44.320 --> 33:46.860
at the same time that the market cartel

33:46.860 --> 33:51.980
of trying to keep prices up through artificially limiting the supply

33:51.980 --> 33:55.540
fell apart because, oh my God, we discovered tin over here

33:55.540 --> 33:58.200
and now a producer that was completely marginal

33:58.200 --> 34:00.620
in the world economy is now a major producer of tin,

34:00.740 --> 34:02.760
so we can't keep the price down like we used to.

34:03.260 --> 34:07.340
I wonder if that applies to other resources on the planet today,

34:07.660 --> 34:08.680
like, oh, I don't know, oil?

34:09.380 --> 34:12.660
Yes, it does and that is exactly the point.

34:12.820 --> 34:16.240
Yes, cartels can function through various means

34:16.240 --> 34:18.600
of duplicity and government intervention

34:18.600 --> 34:20.840
to try to keep prices artificially up

34:20.840 --> 34:22.060
and certainly that does happen,

34:22.180 --> 34:26.300
but the point is that, yes, as the prices rise,

34:27.040 --> 34:30.680
human ingenuity will lead to ways to make that irrelevant

34:30.680 --> 34:34.880
and, again, this is, again, not an intuitive point

34:34.880 --> 34:36.080
for people to understand,

34:36.080 --> 34:37.960
so I tried to frame it in a way

34:37.960 --> 34:39.540
that maybe people can grasp it.

34:39.900 --> 34:45.240
I call it, oh my God, we're running out of whale blubber argument.

34:46.540 --> 34:48.100
I don't know if you'll show this image,

34:48.100 --> 34:51.680
but there is, obviously, a finite amount of petroleum on earth.

34:51.760 --> 34:52.600
We don't know how much,

34:53.040 --> 34:58.480
but we first begin drilling for the most easily available resources

34:58.480 --> 35:01.760
and then we expand over time with new technologies,

35:02.140 --> 35:04.400
but the mistake that people like Erlich made

35:04.400 --> 35:07.220
is to think that, well, of course,

35:07.320 --> 35:08.960
we skim the best deposits first

35:08.960 --> 35:11.920
and as a result, the price of extracting the resource

35:11.920 --> 35:14.380
will increase over time, whereas Simon

35:14.380 --> 35:16.860
and people of his mindset will point out,

35:16.860 --> 35:18.400
well, no, look at the historical data.

35:18.920 --> 35:21.640
The price is not only not going up,

35:21.700 --> 35:22.560
it's often going down,

35:22.660 --> 35:24.320
and that's because on the one hand,

35:24.400 --> 35:26.620
you've got the type of deposits that you have access to,

35:26.980 --> 35:29.100
on the other, you've got the new technologies

35:29.580 --> 35:31.180
to access those deposits,

35:31.700 --> 35:33.520
and what human history teaches us,

35:33.600 --> 35:36.020
even in the world of non-renewable resources,

35:36.480 --> 35:38.300
is that the human brain or capacity

35:38.300 --> 35:39.560
to come up with new ideas

35:39.560 --> 35:41.780
always more than make up for the fact

35:41.780 --> 35:45.480
that we're tapping into increasingly less interesting deposits,

35:45.480 --> 35:47.240
and so with new technologies,

35:47.300 --> 35:49.380
you can actually extract petroleum,

35:49.760 --> 35:52.440
which might seem more difficult

35:52.440 --> 35:53.980
to reach than previous deposits,

35:54.380 --> 35:55.560
you can access it more easily

35:55.560 --> 35:57.260
and extract it more profitably

35:57.260 --> 36:00.140
or at least at a lower cost than before,

36:00.500 --> 36:01.620
and so you must always look

36:01.620 --> 36:03.600
at the kind of physical stuff that is around you,

36:03.620 --> 36:04.600
but you must never forget

36:04.600 --> 36:06.680
the capacity of the human brain

36:06.680 --> 36:07.900
to develop technologies

36:07.900 --> 36:10.480
to tap into those resources ever more efficiently,

36:11.080 --> 36:13.720
which is why Simon referred to the human brain

36:13.720 --> 36:14.940
as the ultimate resource.

36:15.480 --> 36:18.160
Ultimately, what is around us is not what matters,

36:18.340 --> 36:21.020
you know, there was coal for long before human beings

36:21.020 --> 36:23.080
came along, natural gas, iron ore,

36:23.520 --> 36:26.180
but this physical stuff only became a resource

36:26.180 --> 36:28.820
through the development of human technologies

36:28.820 --> 36:30.480
that allow our ancestors

36:30.480 --> 36:33.060
to turn otherwise worthless stuff

36:33.060 --> 36:34.820
into things that are valuable

36:34.820 --> 36:37.500
and to do it increasingly efficiently over time,

36:37.860 --> 36:40.780
and in the context of a market economy,

36:40.920 --> 36:42.840
Simon and others will tell you,

36:43.400 --> 36:44.720
you've got a few things happening,

36:45.060 --> 36:46.220
you've got a feedback mechanism,

36:46.300 --> 36:47.500
which is the price system,

36:47.840 --> 36:49.440
which tells you that when the price

36:49.440 --> 36:51.160
of a resource temporarily goes up,

36:51.340 --> 36:52.280
you know, there might be a war,

36:52.440 --> 36:53.160
there might be a shortage,

36:53.380 --> 36:55.020
there might be a new demand

36:55.020 --> 36:56.920
for a particular resource,

36:57.400 --> 36:58.900
well, this tells people

36:58.900 --> 37:00.640
to look for more of the stuff,

37:01.200 --> 37:02.840
to use it ever more efficiently

37:02.840 --> 37:04.060
and to develop substitute,

37:04.620 --> 37:05.800
and through the combination

37:05.800 --> 37:07.660
of these three forces triggered

37:07.660 --> 37:09.120
by the price mechanism,

37:09.540 --> 37:10.740
humanity has been able

37:10.740 --> 37:12.440
to expand its resource base

37:12.840 --> 37:13.920
and after a century,

37:14.360 --> 37:15.280
after almost two centuries

37:15.280 --> 37:16.480
of industrialization,

37:16.860 --> 37:18.500
we've never not only run out

37:18.500 --> 37:22.180
of theoretically depletable resources,

37:22.600 --> 37:24.440
we've got more resources than ever before.

37:25.740 --> 37:27.000
I like to think of the

37:27.000 --> 37:28.860
air lick of the 19th century

37:29.380 --> 37:30.660
screaming from the rooftop,

37:30.880 --> 37:32.660
so no, we're running out of whale blubber,

37:32.880 --> 37:35.440
how will we heat our homes,

37:35.540 --> 37:36.480
how will we have light,

37:36.660 --> 37:37.620
oh no, it's all,

37:37.760 --> 37:38.540
we're all going to hell,

37:39.000 --> 37:41.040
and the Simons of the 19th century

37:41.040 --> 37:42.680
pointing out, well, you know that sticky stuff

37:42.680 --> 37:43.580
that keeps pouring,

37:44.020 --> 37:45.060
bubbling up out of the ground,

37:45.240 --> 37:46.660
that might be important in the future.

37:47.060 --> 37:48.320
And if I may just point out,

37:48.860 --> 37:50.320
yes, if I can just point out

37:50.320 --> 37:51.180
a little thing about that,

37:51.280 --> 37:52.800
what many Americans don't realize,

37:53.080 --> 37:53.740
and if you're listeners

37:53.740 --> 37:55.060
have not picked up on my accent,

37:55.220 --> 37:55.940
I'm French-Canadian,

37:56.380 --> 37:57.360
it was actually a Canadian

37:57.360 --> 37:58.460
that first developed heroes

37:58.460 --> 37:59.480
in other bitumen,

37:59.760 --> 38:00.980
a fellow named Abraham Gessner,

38:01.360 --> 38:03.020
he eventually moved to New York City,

38:03.020 --> 38:04.120
but I just want to point out

38:04.120 --> 38:05.600
that Canadians actually

38:05.600 --> 38:06.700
played a significant role

38:06.700 --> 38:07.440
in saving the world.

38:07.460 --> 38:08.420
And like a true Canadian,

38:08.580 --> 38:09.460
you had to point that out,

38:09.520 --> 38:10.680
so as a fellow Canadian,

38:10.840 --> 38:11.720
I understand the urge.

38:12.680 --> 38:13.480
Although I didn't know that

38:13.480 --> 38:14.400
about kerosene, interesting.

38:14.680 --> 38:14.940
All right.

38:15.040 --> 38:16.900
Well, of course, the point is

38:16.900 --> 38:18.180
that our lack of imagination

38:18.180 --> 38:19.660
can be a severe impediment

38:19.660 --> 38:21.000
to our ability to understand

38:21.000 --> 38:22.360
how the world is unfolding,

38:22.360 --> 38:23.620
and that's the point

38:23.620 --> 38:24.880
that I think Simon is pointing out,

38:24.920 --> 38:26.600
and it's a non-intuitive point.

38:26.740 --> 38:28.160
It's not immediately understandable

38:28.160 --> 38:29.060
in the way that someone

38:29.060 --> 38:30.100
like an air like getting up

38:30.100 --> 38:31.460
and saying, look, we're running out of this,

38:31.700 --> 38:32.640
therefore we're doomed,

38:32.900 --> 38:34.420
is immediately understandable

38:34.420 --> 38:35.920
and immediately appeals to people.

38:36.000 --> 38:36.780
But I think it's important

38:36.780 --> 38:38.380
to get to the underlying philosophy

38:38.380 --> 38:39.680
of air like,

38:39.760 --> 38:41.220
which as I think you mentioned,

38:41.220 --> 38:43.200
goes back to Thomas Malthus.

38:43.560 --> 38:44.480
Or even before the,

38:44.600 --> 38:46.180
it's just that in the English-speaking world,

38:46.420 --> 38:47.680
while Malthus is the best town,

38:47.940 --> 38:49.440
but the first modern Malthusian

38:49.440 --> 38:51.600
was actually an Italian Jesuit.

38:51.800 --> 38:53.440
So the current Pope is a Jesuit,

38:53.500 --> 38:54.840
so the apple didn't fall too far

38:54.840 --> 38:55.760
from the tree for that.

38:56.120 --> 38:57.720
But yes, the point is that,

38:57.840 --> 38:59.760
you know, the problem with Malthus

38:59.760 --> 39:01.080
and the name of the previous fellow

39:01.080 --> 39:01.780
was Botero,

39:01.980 --> 39:03.960
but the point is that they view the world

39:03.960 --> 39:05.960
and the view resources as a finite pie.

39:06.680 --> 39:07.560
And so, you know,

39:08.060 --> 39:09.920
how do you deal with a finite pie?

39:09.920 --> 39:12.000
Well, the less people you have,

39:12.080 --> 39:13.840
the bigger the share for each individual, right?

39:13.920 --> 39:15.000
Or at least that's their thinking.

39:15.760 --> 39:16.660
The problem that,

39:16.740 --> 39:17.500
and of course,

39:17.660 --> 39:18.820
someone like Simon

39:18.820 --> 39:21.200
will view the resources rather like a garden.

39:21.420 --> 39:21.600
You know,

39:21.900 --> 39:23.520
it's not only that you can expand your,

39:23.780 --> 39:24.800
you can plant more stuff,

39:24.820 --> 39:26.460
but you can expand your garden over time

39:26.460 --> 39:27.900
and grow ever more things.

39:29.400 --> 39:33.080
That was Pierre Des Rochers of MasterResource.org.

39:33.320 --> 39:34.920
I hope people are familiar with him

39:34.920 --> 39:38.100
because I interviewed him over a decade ago

39:38.100 --> 39:40.360
about the Simon Ehrlich bet,

39:40.580 --> 39:43.460
but also hopefully you know of his work and his writings,

39:43.640 --> 39:44.360
which you can find,

39:44.460 --> 39:45.700
again, linked in the transcript

39:45.700 --> 39:46.940
for today's episode

39:46.940 --> 39:49.640
at CorbettReport.com slash The Bet.

39:50.220 --> 39:53.700
But I hope that you are starting to understand

39:53.700 --> 39:54.620
the bigger picture,

39:54.740 --> 39:57.240
the real point that is being made here.

39:57.260 --> 39:59.920
There is much more to discuss about these points

40:00.500 --> 40:04.340
and the objections that people might have economically

40:04.340 --> 40:05.740
to the points that are being raised,

40:05.820 --> 40:06.320
for example,

40:06.320 --> 40:08.360
talking about fluctuations in markets

40:08.360 --> 40:10.680
not being relevant over,

40:10.780 --> 40:12.440
say, a 10-year period, etc.

40:12.720 --> 40:13.520
Yes, of course,

40:13.680 --> 40:16.640
and that's a point that Julian Simon himself made.

40:16.800 --> 40:17.180
For example,

40:17.300 --> 40:18.600
if you watch the full video,

40:18.780 --> 40:19.960
we watched a short clip

40:19.960 --> 40:21.880
of Julian Simon earlier in today's episode.

40:22.000 --> 40:23.180
If you go to the transcript

40:23.180 --> 40:25.140
at CorbettReport.com slash The Bet

40:25.140 --> 40:27.060
and watch the full video,

40:27.360 --> 40:29.140
you will see that he makes that precise point.

40:29.360 --> 40:32.100
People concentrating on a two-year economic trend

40:32.100 --> 40:33.380
or a five-year price trend

40:33.380 --> 40:34.460
or a 10-year trend

40:34.460 --> 40:35.460
are missing the point.

40:35.460 --> 40:39.380
No, this is about the intergenerational centuries long span

40:39.380 --> 40:41.480
where it is demonstrable

40:41.480 --> 40:44.140
that any key resource that you look at today

40:44.140 --> 40:47.500
is orders of magnitude cheaper for us

40:47.500 --> 40:49.420
than it was for our forebears

40:50.020 --> 40:51.200
hundreds of years ago

40:51.200 --> 40:52.440
or thousands of years ago.

40:52.540 --> 40:54.280
And that is the point.

40:54.940 --> 40:57.660
And I hope people can understand

40:57.660 --> 40:59.460
the deeper point that is being made here.

40:59.500 --> 41:00.940
It is not an economic point.

41:01.200 --> 41:03.880
This is not about the price of metals.

41:03.880 --> 41:06.220
It's not about monetary prices.

41:06.500 --> 41:08.160
It's about what that indicates

41:08.680 --> 41:11.440
about the availability of various resources

41:11.960 --> 41:13.560
in a growing population,

41:13.720 --> 41:16.500
in a world of a demonstrably growing human population.

41:16.820 --> 41:19.920
And yet things are easier to get than they were before.

41:20.100 --> 41:21.480
How can that possibly be?

41:21.580 --> 41:23.840
We are on a finite fixed pie.

41:24.100 --> 41:25.580
And if you take a slice of pie,

41:25.680 --> 41:27.300
that's one less slice for everyone else

41:27.300 --> 41:28.760
and we're going to run out.

41:29.360 --> 41:31.540
But that is not the case.

41:31.700 --> 41:33.800
And that is so hard to understand.

41:33.800 --> 41:36.380
I recognize that that is not an intuitive point,

41:36.440 --> 41:40.160
but it is a demonstrable, very, very important insight

41:40.160 --> 41:43.040
and one that flies directly in the face

41:43.560 --> 41:45.980
of the favorite worldview

41:46.420 --> 41:48.680
of the master manipulators of humanity,

41:48.900 --> 41:49.720
the social engineers,

41:49.880 --> 41:51.980
who make Paul Ehrlich a star

41:51.980 --> 41:55.340
for telling you that babies are a disaster,

41:55.940 --> 41:58.620
that humans are a cancer on this earth,

41:58.820 --> 42:01.540
that we need to limit the human population,

42:01.760 --> 42:03.580
that we need presidents coming in

42:03.580 --> 42:05.720
and telling the FCC

42:05.720 --> 42:09.740
that they must show programming, programming,

42:10.380 --> 42:12.600
which tells you that big families are bad

42:12.600 --> 42:14.800
and only stupid people have big families

42:14.800 --> 42:16.020
and we don't want that.

42:16.240 --> 42:17.020
We want fewer children.

42:17.400 --> 42:18.500
Well, guess what, guys?

42:18.860 --> 42:19.360
Mission accomplished.

42:19.680 --> 42:21.760
Birth rates absolutely plummeting

42:21.760 --> 42:23.500
across the entire planet.

42:23.800 --> 42:25.920
Demographic winter is upon us.

42:26.000 --> 42:27.320
The human population is shrinking

42:27.320 --> 42:29.600
and I know that many people,

42:29.720 --> 42:32.020
even in my own audience, are cheering it on.

42:32.020 --> 42:33.660
Yay! Wonderful.

42:34.020 --> 42:35.020
We need fewer people.

42:35.260 --> 42:38.680
I have decided that I don't like all these people

42:38.680 --> 42:40.560
running around living their lives

42:40.560 --> 42:43.240
on my planet taking my share of the pie.

42:43.680 --> 42:46.020
Therefore, I have decided it's a good thing

42:46.020 --> 42:48.080
that the human population is declining.

42:48.720 --> 42:51.000
Not only is that demonstrably wrong

42:51.000 --> 42:52.740
for all of the reasons we said today

42:52.740 --> 42:54.680
is demonstrably wrong for other reasons.

42:54.780 --> 42:56.520
For example, I've talked about the recent book

42:56.520 --> 42:59.800
After the Spike a few times in recent months

42:59.800 --> 43:02.300
and I would again commend that to your attention

43:02.760 --> 43:06.160
in which the authors make the very important point

43:06.160 --> 43:08.800
that there is absolutely no precedent

43:08.800 --> 43:10.200
in all of human history

43:10.200 --> 43:12.880
for a sustained, declined, plummeting birth rate

43:12.880 --> 43:14.760
going below replacement rate

43:14.760 --> 43:17.760
and then returning to some replacement rate

43:17.760 --> 43:20.780
so that we can achieve some optimal balance

43:20.780 --> 43:22.180
in the human population.

43:22.540 --> 43:25.500
I see people, even someone in my own comment section,

43:25.620 --> 43:27.720
quite recently, opining that he feels

43:27.720 --> 43:30.460
that the right number of people on the earth is 500 million.

43:30.660 --> 43:32.500
Why do we need any more than that?

43:32.780 --> 43:33.260
He asks.

43:33.880 --> 43:36.660
And no doubt those types of people cheer on

43:36.660 --> 43:37.960
the plummeting birth rates,

43:38.120 --> 43:39.620
the declining human population,

43:39.780 --> 43:42.460
thinking that we're going to just magically level out

43:42.460 --> 43:44.060
at whatever they have decided.

43:44.540 --> 43:46.740
1 billion, 2 billion, 500 million people.

43:47.040 --> 43:49.040
However many people they think there should be

43:49.040 --> 43:51.560
will just magically materialize

43:51.560 --> 43:53.720
a sudden return to replacement birth rate

43:53.720 --> 43:55.460
and everything will be fine after that.

43:55.460 --> 43:57.500
No, after the spike makes the point

43:57.500 --> 44:01.340
that once you plummet through a certain minimum population

44:01.340 --> 44:04.860
for civilizational capacity, bye-bye civilization.

44:05.240 --> 44:07.960
And we end up going back to hunter-gatherer times

44:07.960 --> 44:12.360
and nobody's fixing that with some magical,

44:12.640 --> 44:13.680
oh, we'll just level out

44:13.680 --> 44:17.420
and have today's exact standards of human population

44:18.020 --> 44:20.660
but at one-tenth of the level today.

44:20.960 --> 44:21.640
500 million.

44:21.760 --> 44:23.780
I wonder why people are so interested in that number.

44:23.780 --> 44:24.940
It couldn't possibly be

44:24.940 --> 44:26.480
because that's what the Georgia Guidestones

44:26.480 --> 44:28.200
has predictively programmed into them.

44:28.280 --> 44:28.720
What is it?

44:28.800 --> 44:31.580
The Epstein-class literally card-carrying eugenicists

44:31.580 --> 44:33.020
behind the Georgia Guidestones.

44:33.160 --> 44:34.180
Oh, you don't know that story?

44:34.560 --> 44:36.140
Well, I've talked about that in the past

44:36.140 --> 44:37.960
so I'll put that link in the transcript as well

44:37.960 --> 44:39.320
so that you can go and find out

44:39.320 --> 44:40.780
who was behind the Georgia Guidestones

44:40.780 --> 44:42.400
and why they might be interested

44:42.400 --> 44:45.460
in getting you to desire their agenda

44:45.460 --> 44:46.960
of human depopulation.

44:47.440 --> 44:48.840
That is what this is about.

44:49.220 --> 44:51.900
And that is the sick, twisted, malevolent,

44:51.900 --> 44:54.440
psychopathic, human-hating mentality

44:54.440 --> 44:57.460
that has been drilled into so much of the population.

44:58.040 --> 45:00.740
Even the population that prides themselves on,

45:00.880 --> 45:03.240
I'm not manipulate, I see through the propaganda,

45:03.580 --> 45:08.420
have adopted the Aerolik Epstein-class view of humanity.

45:08.660 --> 45:09.820
Babies are a disaster.

45:10.380 --> 45:12.380
We need fewer people on this planet.

45:13.140 --> 45:14.920
Meanwhile, the people who have been

45:14.920 --> 45:16.640
nay-saying that doomsaying

45:16.640 --> 45:19.660
and being on-team humanity, team life,

45:20.160 --> 45:22.560
have been consistently denigrated

45:22.560 --> 45:24.200
to the extent that they've received

45:24.200 --> 45:26.180
any coverage whatsoever.

45:28.600 --> 45:30.500
Well, you have two choices.

45:30.920 --> 45:32.620
Choose death or choose life.

45:33.120 --> 45:33.900
I choose life.

45:35.040 --> 45:36.120
So on that note,

45:36.520 --> 45:38.160
I think I'm going to leave the final words today

45:38.160 --> 45:39.420
to Julian Simon.

45:40.040 --> 45:43.440
Thank you for enjoying and investing your time

45:43.440 --> 45:44.700
in this exploration today.

45:45.120 --> 45:47.380
As I say, all of the transcript,

45:47.680 --> 45:49.520
the transcript, the complete hyperlink transcript

45:49.520 --> 45:50.980
with links to absolutely everything

45:50.980 --> 45:51.960
that I've talked about today

45:51.960 --> 45:54.480
is at CorbettReport.com slash The Bet,

45:54.760 --> 45:57.600
which is also the place for Corbett Report members

45:57.600 --> 45:59.900
to go log in and leave your comments

45:59.900 --> 46:01.320
on today's episode.

46:01.460 --> 46:02.600
I'm looking forward to reading them.

46:03.120 --> 46:04.880
On that note, I think I'll leave this today,

46:05.020 --> 46:07.340
but I am James Corbett of CorbettReport.com,

46:07.520 --> 46:08.900
looking forward to talking to you again

46:08.900 --> 46:10.120
in the near future.

46:13.080 --> 46:19.100
I think the attribute that distresses me most,

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aside from the usual ugly things of people

46:21.740 --> 46:26.040
who are bullies or exploiters,

46:26.880 --> 46:29.100
but among ordinary good people,

46:29.980 --> 46:32.060
the attribute that causes me most trouble

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is lack of imagination

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and the inability to imagine the good things

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that can be created by other people.

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This feeds into people's fear

46:47.130 --> 46:49.120
about population growth

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and about their fear that we are going to be

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running out of copper and of oil.

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They can't imagine

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so many people simply are unable to conceive

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how other people can respond to problems

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with new ideas and with imagination

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and with solutions,

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which will leave us better off

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than the problems had never arisen.

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Oil.

47:14.180 --> 47:16.740
The 19th century was transformed by it.

47:17.160 --> 47:19.420
The 20th century was shaped by it.

47:20.000 --> 47:22.340
And the 21st century is moving beyond it.

47:23.440 --> 47:25.440
But who gave birth to the oil industry?

47:26.280 --> 47:28.440
And what are they planning to do with that power

47:28.440 --> 47:30.120
in a post-carbon world?

47:37.470 --> 47:39.310
A price to carbon in their future.

47:39.650 --> 47:42.370
The negative impact of population growth,

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that is important not only for the planet,

47:45.050 --> 47:46.230
it is important for the business.

47:46.470 --> 47:48.910
What you see is the biggest challenges in conservation.

47:48.910 --> 47:51.310
The growing human population.

47:52.870 --> 47:55.650
How and why big oil conquered the world.

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Watch the documentary for free at CorbettReport.com

47:59.910 --> 48:03.250
or purchase a DVD copy at NewWorldNextWeek.com.

