WEBVTT

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The party that's in power doesn't really matter. It's the monetary system.

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Hi, this is Mike Maloney with Alan Hubbard once again, and I want to let everybody know

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that Alan did a brilliant video last week, but it got lost in the noise of the election cycle.

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But those people that did watch the video loved it. And so we're going to revisit that

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video today. But basically what Alan pretty much proved in that video is that, yeah, it's important

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to the individual which party wins an election, but it pales into insignificance when it is compared

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to the monetary system. The monetary system is so much more important than who wins the election

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that almost who wins the election doesn't matter. So Alan, take us through this a little bit here.

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I just thought it was a brilliant video that you put together and a brilliant analysis of the

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situation. Well, thank you very much. I really appreciate the kind words. And yeah, I mean,

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you inspired me to do it right over the last many years. So thank you very much.

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And maybe a good place to start is actually a quote from you. The mission of goldsilver.com

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is to enlighten the world that maximum prosperity can only be achieved through individual freedom,

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free markets, and sound money. And one of the big triggers for me to sort of go down this path

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was thinking about how nobody, no presidential candidate really talks about sound money,

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not at all. I mean, Ron Paul maybe being the only exception I could think of

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throughout my entire lifetime. There's a lot of talk about individual freedom, whether it's,

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you know, whatever topic, whether it's immigration or abortion or vaccines or whatever, all different

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freedoms, freedom of speech. We talk about individual freedoms all the time and free markets,

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of course, with regulations and taxation and all that. But we don't talk about sound money. And

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I started wondering why? Like, why is this not talked about? And as I dug deeper and started

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looking at the numbers, I realized, oh, my goodness, because if we had sound money,

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the world would be a dramatically different place. So that was sort of the catalyst to go

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down this path. And I think sound money matters arguably more than these other things in the

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long term, in the long term. Yes. So, so yeah, so I want to add one thing that it's not just

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sound money. It's also honest money, as compared to dishonest fiat currency.

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Yes, absolutely, absolutely. Sometimes in my head, I think they're the same thing,

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but yes, something that can't be printed into existence is, you know, made to

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yes, it has to be has to be worked into it into existence. So it is fundamentally an asset when

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it's created, not promised into existence so that it is fundamentally a liability. So

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absolutely. So here's the two the two pieces I want to look at throughout the presentation.

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It's gross federal debt, which we can think of as future taxes. These are going to be

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taxes on us and our children. So we want to keep that that as small as possible. If we can get it to

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zero, that's the best. And I want to look at CPI, which is also known as the cost to be alive. So

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just by being alive, you're pretty much going to have to buy things. It's very hard to produce

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everything yourself. You're probably going to have to buy things. And that's just fundamentally

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the cost to be alive. So again, we want that to be as low as possible as well.

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Okay, I want to thank you for this new perspective, this spin you put on things here.

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Gross federal debt is future taxes that somebody has to pay. That's what it is.

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So let's not just call it gross federal debt. It's your future enslavement. You have to pay

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these taxes in the future. And the cost to be alive. People hear CPI, CPI inflation. Cost to

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be alive is a great way to sort of slap everybody in the face and wake them up.

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Yeah, a lot of times we call it cost of living. But that just sort of it's been used so many

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times. We don't really think about what that means. It is the cost to be alive. Like just

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by being alive, you're going to have to buy things. It's very hard to produce everything

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yourself. You're going to have to buy things in the marketplace. So you want the average price

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level to be as low as possible. And we all want that. We all want the CPI to be as low as possible.

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And there's a predictability about this then. If CPI remain neutral, you wouldn't have to

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ask for a raise. You wouldn't be falling behind all the time. This is the important thing.

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The evils of inflation is that it keeps on just to tread water, to be where you're at. You have to

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struggle and then ask for a big raise and ask for a big raise. And when you get those big

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raises, it pushes you into a new tax bracket. And now you're paying more of your income to

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the government. So you have to ask for another raise. And it's because of that cost to be

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alive going into runaway. Absolutely. And that's what I'm going to show with some of my charts.

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So yes. So the first one I want to start with here is federal debt. We're going to talk about

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federal debt for the first half and then CPI for the second half. So this is basically federal

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debt since 1960. And you can see it pretty much goes up no matter what. I have a color coded

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based on Republican and Democrat presidents. And maybe you could argue that it goes up more

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or less for one color versus the other. But if you step back and look at the big picture,

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it's pretty much a smooth line that just goes up. That's it. It doesn't look like a wave where

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all the red lines go up and all the blue lines go down. It's not like that. It's just everybody's

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up. It's just a question of how much up. And this is not a good trend. It doesn't matter

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what party is in power. Exactly. Exactly. And if we ask ourselves, well, what happened

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before that? If we go back early in the founding of the Republic here, going back to 1790,

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we can see that gross federal debt was very low. It kind of hovered around zero. I mean,

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less than one billion dollars. Explain the black line versus the red and the blue.

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Oh, my apologies. So early on in the nation's history, the presidential parties were not

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Republicans or Democrats. Starting with George Washington, he didn't have a party

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affiliation. Some of the others were Federalists or Whig parties or Whigs or Democratic Republicans.

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And then we had a union party. So anything in black is not officially a Democrat or

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Republican. It's something else. And then of course, the red and blue are the official

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parties that we're familiar with. So yeah, you can see that it sort of didn't really

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matter what the political party was for, you know, 70 years. And then we had the

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Civil War, so massive federal debt. And then after the Civil War, the debt came back down

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regardless of the political party of the president. So, you know, Republican, Democrat, Republican.

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And it came down pretty significantly, almost halfway back down to zero, almost halfway.

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And, you know, it's sort of like a Civil War. You don't really plan for that. I wouldn't

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blame Lincoln or whoever the president would be at the time. It's sort of like those types

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of crises are unavoidable. So I don't think the political party of the president really matters

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for this period of history. It's I think was a function of the monetary system.

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Okay. So after 1890, you can see we have an increase here for World War One,

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and an increase here for World War Two. And those just happened to be Democrat presidents.

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But again, as we just saw, the Civil War was a Republican. So not really a trend,

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it's sort of like a coin flip. And you can see that we barely paid down the debt after World

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War One, and then it just kept on rolling after World War Two. So it didn't really come down at

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all. And I don't think this has to do with the political party. It has to do with the monetary

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system, which I'm about to show. And the round dot. And the round dot, I'm sorry. Yes,

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this is the creation of the Federal Reserve. So 1914, the first year it started operating. And that,

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of course, is well, independent, let's say, of the political party of the president. However,

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it is itself the monetary system. So we're going to see in just a second how the monetary system

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before the Fed and after the Fed have a much higher correlation in terms of what happens

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to our overall prosperity than whether we have a Democrat or Republican in the White House.

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So this is a key turning point. And it's going to become plain as day

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in just a second. So look at this. You can see a gross federal debt. Remember how low it was

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before the Civil War and how it started coming back down? Well, you can't even see that giant

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increase, that giant spike for the Civil War. It's not even a single pixel on this chart. It

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is so small that the debt was basically zero. I mean, it rounds to zero. You can see World

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War II just barely. But then after that, I mean, look at this, it doesn't matter red, blue, red,

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blue. It doesn't matter. It just goes up like a rocket. And that's because of the monetary system

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or, you know, which we'll see in a second. Okay. So let's look at those same charts recolored

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instead of red and blue based on political party will color them gold and green based

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on the monetary system. So here's the beginning of the country, primarily on a bimetalism standard,

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gold and silver, and then just gold. With the exception of the Civil War, when Lincoln created

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the greenback, basically the beginning of fiat in our country. And then after the war resumed

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the backing to gold. So the dollar became as good as gold. And that allowed presidents of

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either political party to pay down the debt. So you can see that that fiat was the the enabler

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of the massive debt. And you could argue that that is that was a prudent decision or it was

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wise or it was good for the country. I mean, obviously during the Civil War, that that move

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sort of is what kept the country together. So as a temporary emergency measure, it's understandable

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and probably justifiable, probably justifiable without doing that, you know, the country

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falls apart. So yeah, and then the conversion back to making it convertible into gold and standing

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behind that currency, the debt starts coming down. And I do want to point out that Andrew Jackson

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there was the only time that the US was completely debt free right in there. Yes.

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Mm hmm. Yeah. 1830s. The good old days. It seems if you look at his policies and things like that,

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he would seem to be a Republican today, but he was a Democrat, right? Yeah. Yeah. Yeah. So yeah,

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I don't think we had any Republicans until Lincoln, I think. So I think based on how I

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had it color coded a minute ago. Yeah. So yeah, so really the monetary system there. So if we

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if we move forward a little bit in history, you can see that, you know, that was pretty low until

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the creation of the Federal Reserve. And then despite being on a sound money system, the Fed was

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basically allowed to create Federal Reserve notes in excess of the gold that was able to back them.

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So this was sort of the beginning of the end. And this is what caused a shift in the monetary

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system to a gold exchange standard. And then ultimately to fiat in 1970, which we'll see

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on the next chart. So you want to say here, Mike? Yeah, before you go to the next chart,

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why do you start the gold exchange standard in 1933 or 34 there?

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Basically because Roosevelt nationalizing the gold and saying that, you know,

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basically is illegal for America's own gold. What do you call the gold standard between

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the creation from the fed creation of the Federal Reserve to 1933, where it's not really

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a full gold standard? Because I've always called that a gold exchange standard as well. The Federal

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Reserve, that when the law, you know, when we enacted the Federal Reserve Act, it became legal

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to only back those Federal Reserve notes by 40% gold. And so for every $50 that they put into

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circulation, there was a $20 bill backing up the $100 worth of notes was backed by only two

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$20 gold pieces. It was a lie and a fraud. And so it isn't a true gold standard.

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What do you call the interwar gold standard then if it's not part of the gold exchange standard?

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I've always, I've been trying to get everybody else to call this because it's not a real

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gold standard. It's a pseudo gold standard. And if we don't have a name for it, then it's part

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of the gold exchange standard, which was continued on after England dropped out of the

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gold standard in, you know, being backed fully by gold in 32, I think that was, and then 33

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Roosevelt breaking the big promise of gold with American citizens were banned from owning gold.

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And then 1944, the Bretton Woods system officially starts or at 45,

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Bretton Woods meeting was 44. I don't know when the actual Bretton Woods system started.

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That is, to me, that's all interlinked and all part of a pseudo gold standard. And what do we call

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that pseudo gold standard? I call it, do you have any other definition for gold exchange

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standard that would exclude the period where the Federal Reserve was able to print lies and put

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them out in public? Yeah, I don't know, a fractional gold standard or a partial gold standard.

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Yeah, when I was putting this together, I had these decisions to make. And you know,

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from one video to the next and one series of charts to the next, I don't always use the

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same thing. And for example, like when we were on a bimetalism standard till, I guess it's

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not here, it's on the previous chart, but until 1873, you know, I thought about coloring the line

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gold and silver, and then making it just gold. And then the charts started getting too busy. So

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for sake of simplicity, I just, I did it the way I have here. And again, to your point about

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terminology, like what do we call all these different monetary systems? You know, I don't

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have the definitive answer. I'm not sure any of us ever will. It's, I think more important

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to understand what was going on than what the label is. You can see, though, that each time they come

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up with some phony baloney fictitious gold standard here, these are all gold standards,

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but they're fictitious. And they unleash the ability to take on enormous quantities of debt.

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Yes, exactly. And that's sort of the theme of this video. That's exactly it. So yeah,

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it's the monetary system that enables all this nonsense, all this borrowing. It's not necessarily

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if it's a Democrat or Republican in office. It's like small peanuts. So yeah, this is the key here,

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1914. So yeah, so after 1960, this is the type of thing you'd see on the Federal Reserve website.

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Well, not color coded, obviously, but you'd see just debt increasing little by little,

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oh, no big deal. And then from the experts you might hear, debt is just money we owe to ourselves.

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No big deal. Debt is sustainable. But that is absolutely not the case. And this runaway debt

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on a fiat monetary system is only possible because of what we just said, the Federal Reserve and

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basically breaking promises. Breaking promises. That's really what it is.

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Yeah. So yeah, looking at that all in one large one fell swoop here,

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you can see that, you know, again, there's really no pixels coming up on this chart here

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when we were on a gold standard. And then once we the Federal Reserve is created,

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it's the beginning of the end. And we just take off like a like a rocket ship like a hockey stick

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here. So the real inflection point is what? The inflection point creation of the Federal

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Reserve. Well, there's another one after that there where you go from gold to green.

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Oh, I see. Right here. This is this is 1971. Yeah, 1971, the Nixon shock.

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Yeah, you really pointed that out in your video. And I encourage everybody to go back

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and watch Alan's video. It was it's brilliant. So keep on going. Thank you very much. Thank you,

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so yeah, just a brief pause here of quote from Ron Paul. It is no coincidence that the

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century of total war, okay, 20th century, World War One, World War Two and all those other

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wars to follow coincided with the century of central banking. It's no coincidence.

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These are closely connected because you can't fight forever wars and you can't fight global

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wars unless you have infinite currency to back them. And that only comes from the Federal

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Reserve, the central bank basically having a license to steal as much as they want from

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honest hardworking citizens. Yep. So yeah, that's that. So that's that's debt in a nutshell. CPI,

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the cost of being alive. Let's take a look at that and see if the president, whether it's a

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Republican or a Democratic president has a bigger effect on the CPI or if it's the monetary

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system. So again, you can anticipate where this is going. The CPI from 1914 from the creation

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of the Federal Reserve pretty much only goes up. It's a question of does it go up a lot or does it

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go up a real lot? Those are the only two sizes. It goes up a lot or a real lot. And for folks who,

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you know, pretty much everyone watching this video lived through, you know, Trump and Biden,

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you know, four years of each, you can see that the red line did not go up as much as

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the blue line. So that feels like a significant difference living under those two administrations.

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And I agree, right? I live through it too. They felt different to me. No doubt about it.

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However, if you zoom out and look at all of this, you know, is something else going on? Is there

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something that's more important than the political party of the president? Yes, there is. Yes,

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yes. So looking at the CPI before 1914, before the Federal Reserve, it did not just continuously

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go up, right? It's not like goods and services were free a long time ago and all of a sudden

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they started to cost a little bit of money and then a lot of money. No. Generally speaking,

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prices go down. And you can see that in the first, you know, 150 years of this country's history,

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prices tended to go down. The exception is wartime when all the people who ordinarily

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produce stuff are off fighting each other. So the Civil War and World War One and those

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basically explain all these sharp increases and prices. And then after the war is over,

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because we're on a gold standard or sound money standard, prices come down, down, down, down,

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down, down. Regardless of the political party of the president comes down, down, down, down.

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Because the monetary system is that set of incentives for the executive branch and the

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legislative branch to behave nicely, right? To spend resources efficiently, only spend what

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they have. They can't print their way to stealing resources. So yeah, Mike, any thoughts here on

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this one? No, I just think it's brilliant that you did all of this. I really do. It really does

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show you. It doesn't matter who is in power. What matters is the monetary system. It's

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something we do not talk about enough. Absolutely. Absolutely. And like if you look here,

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this is 100, whatever it is, 150 years. And if you go from the year 1800 to the year 1900,

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prices went down. So like 100 years, prices went down. I mean, this is just so...

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They should come more efficient at making things. Productivity goes up. And so prices should

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always be... Slow, gentle deflation is the natural order of things. And any difference

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between the slow, gentle deflation and inflation is the theft that we are experiencing from it through

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our phony baloney monetary system. Yes, exactly. And so for a while, I used to think... Because I

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listened to financial commentary and so forth, I used to think that, oh, 2% long-term inflation,

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that's normal. And if we're above it, then the difference between 2% and wherever we are,

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say 3%, that's kind of like the actual inflation. And then I realized, well, the Federal Reserve

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just made up 2%. It's really... Whatever the inflation rate is compared to level prices,

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that's it. And then I thought, no, wait a minute, we don't compare it to zero. We actually compare

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it to the normal rate of deflation. We should have negative CPI. So there's actually a gigantic

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gap between, let's say, positive 3% inflation or 7%, whatever it is going up,

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compared to what it should be going down. That is a tremendous, tremendous difference.

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That is a tremendous insight that you just gave all of us, because we have all been

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acclimatized. We've been... These things have been put in us... We've been brainwashed, basically,

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to believe that the Fed thinks 0% is dangerous. We've got to have that 2% inflation.

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But there is this slow, mild deflation of how much goods and services are available

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per person. We're always increasing the amount of goods and services. I mean, think about,

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when I was a kid, we had one telephone. We had one television. And I was in an upper middle

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class family. And now television set in every room. Everybody's got their own cell phone. We've

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got computers. It's a mind-boggling array of the amount of wealth that we actually have

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for the same amount of work that we put out, which means that prices should be falling.

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And the gap between... People are thinking, well, 2% is normal. So anything above that

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may be that's theft. No. It's the difference of minus 1% or minus 2% year over year deflation.

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And then whatever the positive number is, that is the theft that is going on from the public

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to the government and the banking sector. Yes. And inflation affects the poorest people in

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society the most. Yes. This is another critical point. So I'll make a brief analogy here.

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It might feel a little off topic, but it is relevant to inflation and how dangerous it is

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to the poor and middle class. Mike, have you ever gone paddle boarding?

23:51.220 --> 23:55.960
No. Okay, so paddle boarding. So like on an inflatable paddle board, or you could think

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of like a canoe going canoeing or kayaking or something, just paddling down a river.

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Okay. But sometimes my fiance and I, we go paddle boarding. All right. And one of the

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worst things for paddle boarding is a strong wind because if the wind is too strong,

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you can't paddle into it unless you're extremely strong. So anyways, I think of

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inflation like a wind. And let me give you an example. Think of these numbers.

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So suppose I'm a little bit stronger than my fiance. Okay. Let's say normally I can paddle

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at 12 miles an hour, just making up numbers, 12 miles an hour, and she can only paddle at 10.

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Okay. So I'm 20% faster than her. Okay. 20%. So if there's no wind, I'm 20% faster than her.

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It's not that big of a deal. Now, what if there's a 10 mile an hour wind, right? We could

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think of this as like inflation, right? There's a headwind right in your face,

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preventing you from getting ahead in life. If there's this inflationary headwind

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at 10 miles an hour, she can only paddle at 10 miles an hour. So she can't go anywhere.

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Right. If she works as hard as she can, she can't go anywhere. 10 minus 10 is zero. Whereas I,

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if I work as hard as I can, 12 minus 10, I can still paddle at two miles an hour. So I can

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still move very slowly, but I'm infinitely faster than her all of the sudden because we have this

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enormous headwind. That's extremely unfair. And it means like the skilled people or the

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strong people or the smart people or however people with an unfair advantage or maybe it's

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a fair advantage, anyone with an advantage has their advantage magnified sometimes to infinity,

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right? Because it becomes a tailwind instead of a headwind. Yes. I would put in the analogy is

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that if you own assets that inflate, then you are getting the tailwind. If you are a renter,

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if you own real estate and it inflates or if you own stocks and it inflates, you're doing very good.

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But if you're somebody that rents that real estate, you are falling behind. It's a headwind for you,

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a tailwind for them, very, very unfair. Yeah, exactly. And what we should all be enjoying,

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if we were on a sound money system and we all experienced deflation, we would all have a

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gentle breeze at our backs, right? And that would essentially move all of us down the river effortlessly

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and make for a much, much more equitable society actually. And it'd be harder, it'd be harder to

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create wealth inequality, even if you work super, super hard, like other people are

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following you without working, like they're following you down the river. So it's even

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equal society as far as wealth distribution goes. But also, Ron Paul mentioned the central banking

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was the century of total war. And when we were using gold and silver as money, it constrained the

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government to borrowing about one third of GDP was the maximum that they could spend to conduct

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those wars. That's where the War of 1812 and Civil War and World War I sort of topped out at.

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We were never able to get to these and where are we today? We're not in a world war and we're up at

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what, 120% of GDP or something? I haven't looked at it today. But it's absolutely insane that

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we're here. And it's because of this evil via currency system. Yeah, exactly. It's totally

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the monetary system. So yeah, let me show it all in one chart here, looking at the CPI. This is

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250 years of the CPI. And you can see that it's super low. And when we zoomed in, we saw that

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this was actually moving down very, very, very slightly. And then after the Federal Reserve

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is created, it takes up like a rocket ship. And again, the political party of the president

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has no bearing on this when you zoom out like this. And then the day they eliminated gold,

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August 15th of 71. That's the big inflection point here. Yeah, right here. And we'll see

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that when we when we recolor the chart based on monetary system. So here, let's do

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some of the early monetary systems here. Yeah, I mean, we talked about this. So basically,

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you know, borrowing for wars, but then comes back down. So prices rise, and then prices come back

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down. So prices rise for wars, and they come back down. But after the Federal Reserve was created,

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the prices didn't return to the prewar era like they normally do. So normally before each

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war and after each war, prices go down to to where they were before. But that didn't happen

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after World War One. And it's because of the monetary system. And then after World War

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One or after the Fed, right, I would argue that we wouldn't have fought in World War One if it

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weren't for the creation of the Fed, you know, just prior. So yeah, we can see the monetary

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systems changing here. And it just increases the slope of these lines more and more and more.

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And we had these inflection points. And then there probably is one here. Well, I guess, I

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guess, global financial crisis was here. So it's just getting steeper and steeper. I mean,

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this is obviously unsustainable. So yeah, I'm looking at the whole thing. I mean,

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it's the same story. It's just looking at across different time periods that the monetary system

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matters so much more than the political party. This is for long term freedom. So man, I just

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think about what the world would be like if we were on sound money, and prices just went down

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little by little every month, or like you wouldn't have to worry about, oh, I should just go

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buy something. I should just go buy something this weekend, because if I wait until next weekend,

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whatever I want to buy is going to cost more. So I might as well just spend it today.

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And this is how people operate, like subconsciously.

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Well, also, we wouldn't be speculating as much, because you can actually just

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hold on to your cash at home, and you're getting paid. And back when banks would take

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in deposits and loan out currency, they were working on a spread. So they were paying you

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an interest for those deposits. With slow, mild deflation, you don't even have to put it

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in a bank, but banks would still be offering some sort of interest, which would put you

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even more ahead. And then if we had honest banking, where they actually loaned something

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that really existed, we don't have honest banking, but we would have a much more moral,

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fairer society. We would have less wealth disparity. I'm certain that there would be less poverty.

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And on top of all that, the maps of the world would be completely different.

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These wars funded by central banking and currency creation from nowhere,

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which is just a tool for the theft of the wealth of the population of each country that's trying

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to win the war. The inflation of their own currency supplies is that tool so that they

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can try and outspend their opponents, but it leaves the countries impoverished.

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And so, yes, this is brilliant that the party that's in power doesn't really matter.

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It's the monetary system. Absolutely, absolutely.

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And so, we finally got an Inflation Reduction Act after all this vertical, however many years

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it's been, 50 years since the Nixon shock and 110 years since the Federal Reserve.

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Finally, an administration says, you know what, we've had a lot of inflation,

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let's reduce it. And of course, this is a large investment in the economy,

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you know, spending, borrowing and spending, which is, you know,

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biggest spending bill in history. And this is supposed to somehow reduce inflation.

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It's very Orwellian that we just, we take whatever the real cause, the real effect

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is going to be of this law, this act, and invert it and label it something that is

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exactly the opposite of what it's going to end up as.

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Yep. It's like the Patriot Act was extremely unpatriotic. The Affordable Care Act made healthcare

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unaffordable. Inflation Reduction Act was an inflation creation act. I mean, yeah, I totally

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agree with you. But if you were going to have an Inflation Reduction Act, what would it do?

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What would the policy be? Well, I would argue, revisit the Nixon shock, right, when he

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directed Secretary Connolly to suspend temporarily the convertibility of the dollar into gold and

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unsuspend it, un-make it temporarily, play an uno reverse card and say, we're going back on the

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gold standard. You can trade the dollar for gold. It is as good as gold. And then probably what

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would happen is exactly what happened after the Civil War when we were temporarily on a

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little fiat standard. Prices came all the way back down to pre-war levels. Again,

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regardless of the political party of the president, we had Democrats and Republicans during this period

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and prices came back down and we had a great reconstruction. That's how I would do it. If you

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had an Inflation Reduction Act and yeah, it would be super painful. There can be no healing without

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pain. So that's my thought. Yep. I absolutely agree. And so the last kind of thing I want

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to touch on here is like the incentives going on. This is kind of how I've been thinking about

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basically the incentives in an economy. Folks watching this might not know, but I actually

34:03.560 --> 34:08.320
started out in school as a physics major. So I was really good at physics, really enjoyed it.

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And then I switched to finance and got an MBA and now I'm in this world. But anyways,

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if you want to predict the behavior of an object, you can draw a free body diagram

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where you label all the forces, the magnitude and the direction,

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like the applied force pushing a block up a plane or the force of friction pulling it down,

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the weight of gravity pulling it towards the earth or the reactionary force or the normal force

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pushing it the opposite direction. And by adding up all these forces, you can figure

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out the net force acting on the object and that's how it's going to move. So you can

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predict its behavior and you can do this for any object. And so I've thought about people

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in this way for a lot of years. People respond to incentives and a lot of times it's financial

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incentives or it's reputational incentives or a romantic relationship or a friendship or

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all these different incentives facing people. And what we have in common in the economy is

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we got to do some kind of work, some kind of job. That's what keeps us going. And that's

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like the hard thing to do. But pulling us back the other way is taxation, pulling us down

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is regulations. Whatever you're doing, it's regulated somehow. And then we've got our

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survival instincts that oftentimes move us in a completely different direction. We'd rather

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sleep in and whatever play video games or indulge our selfish urges. But we can't do that.

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But if you figure out all the incentives acting on a person, you can figure out how

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they're going to behave. And for individuals, if they know that the prices of what they want to

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buy next week are going to be higher than what they are today, they'll a lot of times just

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buy it today because they don't want to spend extra a week from now. And that's a terrible

35:47.380 --> 35:54.180
incentive that crushes any incentive out there to save, to be disciplined, to plan for the future.

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Like all these things that should be healthy things that we want everybody in society to do,

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we strip those incentives away because we have an inflationary currency. So that's

36:04.040 --> 36:08.500
absolutely terrible. So anything you want to add to that set of incentives, Mike?

36:09.220 --> 36:16.640
No, I just thought it was a brilliant analysis, creating that incentives diagram.

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And yes, this is awesome. It's a great way of looking at things. And it's a new way of looking

36:26.200 --> 36:32.060
at things for me. Yeah, cool. Well, thank you very much. Thank you. And yeah, we can look at

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those same incentives for policymakers. And again, this might not be a perfect analogy. I'm not

36:36.280 --> 36:41.280
for anyone watching this. I'm not trying to argue that each of these forces is a perfect analogy

36:41.280 --> 36:48.040
to like a physical force. It's just a general lens through which we can observe human behavior.

36:49.040 --> 36:53.100
And by the way, if you notice a person or a politician or a policymaker

36:53.700 --> 36:58.080
behaving in a way that you didn't predict, if they do something very strange,

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then I would argue there must be some incentive that they're facing that you're not

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aware of, some hidden force moving them in that direction. So once you start looking for that,

37:08.780 --> 37:15.100
you might wonder, man, why do all these Republican presidents keep raising the debt ceiling or

37:15.100 --> 37:19.660
spending into oblivion? Aren't they supposed to be like fiscally disciplined? Ah, there's a

37:19.660 --> 37:24.000
monetary system that allows them to just print into oblivion. No wonder they do the same

37:24.000 --> 37:29.920
things as Democrats. That type of thing, as well as warfare and all this other stuff, if you

37:29.920 --> 37:36.140
find a politician or policymaker behaving in a way that you didn't predict, there's probably some

37:36.140 --> 37:42.100
incentive facing them that you weren't accounting for. And so some of the incentives that they're

37:42.100 --> 37:50.080
facing is wanting ideally to spend their money and time and resources efficiently for the good

37:50.080 --> 37:57.000
of the country. Sorry, what's that, Mike? Currency. Currency, yes, thank you. I've been

37:57.000 --> 38:02.420
purposely goofing it up and catching myself for a while now, and there I legitimately forgot to

38:02.420 --> 38:10.240
catch myself. So yeah, so politicians, a lot of times the goal is to spend efficiently. However,

38:11.020 --> 38:16.060
there's this strong incentive to borrow. And sometimes they could borrow money or currency

38:16.060 --> 38:22.240
that already exists, but other times they could borrow it by printing it out of thin air

38:22.240 --> 38:28.420
and borrowing it at the same time. And that is just a tremendous, tremendous incentive. And it's

38:28.420 --> 38:32.820
one that we absolutely need to take away. Like for the good of the country, for the good of the world,

38:32.980 --> 38:37.620
we have to eliminate that incentive, which is basically- Yes, but they can't print it out of

38:37.620 --> 38:43.740
thin air. They can only print it by enslaving us in the future. So it's never out of thin air.

38:44.200 --> 38:48.500
The Federal Reserve is handcuffed to where they can only buy assets that are guaranteed

38:48.500 --> 38:53.920
by the U.S. government as to the principal and interest. And that means they've got to buy U.S.

38:54.040 --> 38:58.740
Treasuries and then since the nationalization of Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac mortgage-backed

38:58.740 --> 39:06.040
securities, but either way, somebody has to work to make those assets good and to pay

39:06.040 --> 39:11.560
that principal plus the interest. And for the U.S. Treasuries, it comes out of your taxes,

39:11.560 --> 39:17.340
which means every time they print up new currency, they enslave you in the future.

39:18.640 --> 39:23.940
Exactly. And we have to get rid of that incentive. It's terrible. It's too tempting. It's too tempting

39:23.940 --> 39:30.100
to print. And as you guys have seen, looking at the federal debt or the CPI, for 100 years,

39:30.220 --> 39:35.740
200 years, it doesn't really matter the politics of the president. It's so tempting

39:35.740 --> 39:43.460
to just print, print, print. And that can allow tiny, tiny short-term benefits or the illusion

39:43.460 --> 39:48.940
of short-term benefits with massive long-run costs, massive, massive long-run costs, and they

39:48.940 --> 39:55.420
accumulate. So we collectively suffer the negative effects of compound interest. We don't want to

39:55.420 --> 39:59.180
be doing that. And that's what we've been doing for 110 years since 1914.

39:59.480 --> 40:05.320
Yes. And the accumulation has always fallen on top of a demographic that is a larger

40:05.320 --> 40:11.720
demographic. And now we have all of these retirees and fewer and fewer people working each decade

40:11.720 --> 40:18.220
to support the number of people that are retired. So this whole thing is sort of running into a

40:18.220 --> 40:27.380
brick wall at this point in time where all of these perverse incentives have put us in a trap.

40:28.440 --> 40:35.040
Yes, exactly. There's no way out other than to do the very hard thing of allocating resources

40:35.040 --> 40:43.580
efficiently, ending that terrible incentive and just feeling the pain of a lot of broken promises

40:44.900 --> 40:51.720
and the healing process. It's going to be very hard, but we have to do it. And the longer we wait,

40:51.780 --> 40:58.080
the harder it's going to be. So yeah, last thing I want to end with is the same thing we started

40:58.080 --> 41:03.320
with, the mission of Gold Silver. Yes, I'm very proud that we've been able to,

41:03.920 --> 41:14.420
you know, especially the media team here. This has been our mission since we founded the video

41:14.420 --> 41:25.880
channel basically. So this goes back to 2009 or 2008. Yeah, it is something that we have stuck

41:25.880 --> 41:32.060
to our guns. The education has been the reason for goldsilver.com to exist was to support

41:32.060 --> 41:37.460
the education. This was my passion. This is what I wanted to do, is to enlighten the world that maximum

41:37.460 --> 41:43.020
prosperity can only be achieved through individual free markets and sound money. And it's the truth.

41:43.300 --> 41:50.300
And you have just proven the sound money part of it. Yes, well, thank you so much, Mike. And

41:50.300 --> 41:56.200
it was actually your mission statement here that attracted me to Gold Silver. So thank you so

41:56.200 --> 42:02.520
much for sticking to your guns and finding these values and using that as a North Star. It's what

42:02.520 --> 42:07.780
attracted me to you and to this company. And I am absolutely thrilled to be, you know, pushing

42:07.780 --> 42:13.260
that message forward. So thank you for having me on the team. And I want to thank you for being

42:13.260 --> 42:17.080
here. I want to thank everybody for watching. And we'll see you all next time.

