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Welcome back to Radio Rothbard. I'm Ryan McMakin, executive editor at the Mises Institute, and I hope you're having an excellent Thanksgiving week.

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This week, I want to look a little bit about the the history and economics of

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Thanksgiving in contrast a little bit with communist ideas,

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family dining, and the family dinner just to give a

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greater contrast to how different things are

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in the West and

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where

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Western civilization has valued the idea of the family dinner and how many institutions of commerce have grown up around that as

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well.

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So we can begin by noting that in modern-day America, Thanksgiving is a holiday that has come to have very distinct iconography and rituals.

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Turkey, football, and the Thanksgiving Day parades are all part of this holiday,

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and in fact, many of these rituals, such as football and games and parades put on by department stores, are now a century old.

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Going back further though, we find that the Thanksgiving holiday in the United States has a rather diverse past.

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Part of the origins of the idea of a national Thanksgiving day lie largely in government attempts at pushing

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propagandistic narratives.

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For example, Abraham Lincoln demanded Americans be thankful for, quote, the advancing armies and navies of the Union, unquote,

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during the Civil War.

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George Washington instructed Americans to give thanks for the new Constitution in 1789.

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Andrew Jackson, in contrast, refused to boss around as constituents with days of mandatory gratitude,

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but proclamations of prayer and Thanksgiving have been used by many U.S. presidents, especially during times of crisis.

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In practice, however, what is now Thanksgiving Day involves mostly a celebration of domestic and family life, quite separate from any presidential imperatives.

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Moreover, Thanksgiving celebrations take place primarily within the private and commercial spheres of life.

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Preparing a Thanksgiving meal requires shopping for goods.

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Traveling to see friends and relatives often requires the purchase of various transportation-related goods and services.

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Enjoying the day is usually enhanced by consuming various forms of private sector entertainment.

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These holiday activities and rituals are not fundamentally different, however,

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from what countless human beings enjoy on a regular basis, a meal and leisure,

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activities with friends and family within a private home and domestic setting.

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These gatherings reinforce the status of the family as a fundamental building block of human society.

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They remind us that private meals, like a Thanksgiving meal, are something valuable

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and something distinct from public activities in public settings.

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Historically, not everyone has been pleased by such things.

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In the Soviet Union, for example,

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there were concerted efforts to abolish the very concept of the domestic space and notions of hearth and home

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by consigning citizens to communal kitchens and communal living spaces.

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The goal was to abolish the bourgeois family, which was so often grouped around a private kitchen.

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Naturally, this is greatly in contrast to Western ideals of the family dinner,

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taking a look at the political and cultural importance of Thanksgiving can help us understand

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this better. So where does Thanksgiving come from? As a holiday, Thanksgiving has gone

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through several different forms. As described in James Baker's study of the holiday,

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Thanksgiving, the biography of an American holiday, there had been a variety of Thanksgiving

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traditions practiced throughout the U.S., but few of them closely resembled the Thanksgiving

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we now know today. Moreover, the activities people adopted to commemorate the holiday

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changed significantly over time. According to Baker, in the holiday's early years,

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it served as the, quote, Puritan stand-in for Christmas, a holiday they rejected as

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non-cananical and pagan, an early winter time for feasting and pious hope before

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the long dreary months of cold and privation to follow, unquote. While a large meal was often

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had at the celebration, the holiday was mostly religious in character. The highlight of the day

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was a long stern sermon, presumably from a Calvinist clergyman. The holiday had long been

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celebrated in New England and other regions as a sort of harvest festival, but it did not

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commonly involve any narratives about pilgrims. That sort of thing was reserved for forefathers'

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day, which had its own commemoration in New England on December 21st. Needless to say,

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the rest of the country, especially those with little connection to New England,

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did not enthusiastically celebrate the establishment of the Plymouth Colony.

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Indeed, the use of tales about the pilgrims' first Thanksgiving

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did not become a widespread practice until the 1900s. It was a complete invention of the public

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schools, which then as now spent precious little time on academic skills in favor of concentrating

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on endless hours of busy work and cultural indoctrination. By the time the public schools

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were turning the holiday into a day about pilgrims, though the annual rituals of Thanksgiving,

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which persist to this day, had been established quite independently from the political agendas,

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far from being a national day to celebrate forefathers or the Plymouth Colony. By the

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early 20th century, Thanksgiving had already become a celebration of domestic life and family fun.

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In her history of Victorian America, called the Feminization of American Culture,

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Anne Douglas explains the transformation that took place as U.S. culture moved away from the

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hard-nosed theology and philosophy of the 18th century and something quite different.

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Rather, by the late 19th century, the U.S. was undergoing a domestic revolution.

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This change in social attitudes went hand in hand with the rise of Victorian culture in the

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United States. It combined with the new economy of mass production and mechanization

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to help create the nostalgic sentimental and consumption-fueled event we now think of as the

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Thanksgiving holiday. The meal, the family gathering, and the domestic setting for celebration that are

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all now familiar were established in this Victorian period. The biggest change over the years

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has been the addition of football, first viewed in person and then on television,

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as an additional family activity. The economic prosperity of the second half of the 19th

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century, the much maligned so-called Gilded Age, made this possible. Although the period is today

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badmouthed as an era of people suffering under the iron grip of robber barons, it was during

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this period that countless Americans were able to move out of poverty and into the middle classes

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for the first time. These changes made it easier for families to create a domestic experience

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with all the trimmings that Victorians valued, and which are now hallmarks of the standard

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American Thanksgiving celebration. Not only was food becoming more affordable for many,

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but more Americans could afford more and better versions of silverware, china, clothing, and

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furniture. They could afford more building supplies for nicer homes, and as was happening

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in Europe as well, more workers could afford to actually take some time off to enjoy recreational

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team sports a day at a park and other past times. Thanksgiving was no longer a religious

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holiday in which Americans contemplated complex theological truth, and much more so a holiday of

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consumption, recreation, and the domestic life of home and family. This new phenomenon of buying

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mass-produced goods to augment one's domestic enjoyment expanded into the early 20th century,

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so that by the 1920s, Thanksgiving was looking more and more like a holiday geared around

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buying things. Historian James Baker tells us, quote, a new holiday event emerged in the 1920s,

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the Thanksgiving Day Parade. Strictly speaking, Thanksgiving parades are not about Thanksgiving

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at all, but about Christmas. Yet they do provide a Thanksgiving Day activity that is enjoyed by

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millions of Americans in person or on TV. The first Thanksgiving parade was put on by the

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1920s. It consisted of 50 people, 15 cars, and a fireman dressed as Santa Claus who marched in the

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parade and then entered the Gimbal's toy department by a ladder. The central feature of the Gimbal's

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Thanksgiving Day Parade, like all similar parades, was the official arrival of Santa Claus,

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in his most marketable guise as patron saint of holiday commerce, unquote. Of course,

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department stores were themselves a creation of Victorian culture, first in England and later

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in the United States. In terms of economics, they offered a higher standard of living for

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their customers, and they offered many goods not available anywhere else. And what goods did they

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have were often at lower prices than at smaller stores. On a cultural level, the department

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stores were important as well. They offered unprecedented freedom for women who could

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use the department stores as a safe place to meet with others in public spaces, unescorted by men.

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Employment at these stores offered many young women an escape from farm work and factory work.

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And of course, for the primary managers of the household budget, which is what many middle

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class Victorian women were, department stores offered a new, clean and comfortable place to

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do business. Thus, it's no wonder that our modern practice of Thanksgiving is so wrapped

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up with the Victorian version of the holiday. It sprang from the 19th century spread of consumer

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goods and the social freedoms that came with them. The Thanksgiving that we know and which

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most of our grandparents knew is an apolitical holiday formed around the modern world or

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relative plenty made possible by the modern industrialized economy.

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The connections between family dining rituals and free commerce did not escape the

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notice of communists in either the 19th or the 20th centuries. It should not shock us to learn

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that communist totalitarians once sought to eliminate domestic meals

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as a common aspect of civilized life. The destruction of the family as a bourgeois institution

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was explicitly listed among Marx's priorities for implementing the communist revolution.

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After the communists came to power in what became the Soviet Union in 1917,

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the new regime sought to address what were then common housing shortages by placing

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Russians in state-owned communal apartments called communalki, where seven or more families

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were expected to share a single kitchen and bathroom. Driven by both ideology and economic

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necessity, the communists viewed domestic meals and meal preparation as wasteful

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activities. Both men and women, it was believed, would be better off spending their

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time in factories and other settings where the production of industrial goods could be maximized.

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Indeed, in 1923, Lenin's Communist released a propaganda pamphlet titled

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Down with the Private Kitchen. As recounted by Anja von Bremsen, the pamphlet explained how,

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quote, the traditional domestic kitchen was branded as ideologically reactionary,

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unquote, and ineffectual. The Soviet authorities pushed residents toward government-run cafeterias

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known as Stolavias, or dining rooms. This was believed to accelerate the process of conditioning

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Soviet citizens with communist propaganda. Eating became a political activity.

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In typical Soviet fashion, however, these new dining venues were anything but a pleasant respite,

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and they were, in fact, quote, ghastly affairs, unquote. But from the Soviet perspective,

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it was all quite necessary. Quote, they would like to have houses without kitchens, says Russian

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journalist Alexander Jenis. Because kitchen is something bourgeois, every family, as long as

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they have a kitchen, they have some part of their private life and private property, unquote.

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Many citizens, of course, continued to eat at home, and not in the state-run cafeterias

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during the hardest decades of Soviet social engineering, but this process involved its

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own trials and dangers. As NPR reported in 2014, kitchens became a source of tension and conflict.

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Quote, when relations between the neighbors were especially fierce, you could see locks

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on the cabinets, unquote. Families cooked in quick staggered shifts, quote, they cooked in

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the kitchen, but practically never ate there, says Marsha Karp, who was born in Moscow and worked

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as a Russian features editor for the BBC World Service. They would go with their pots along

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the corridor and eat in their rooms, unquote. With up to 20 families sharing a single kitchen,

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conflicts were sure to be common, and Jenis concludes communal kitchen was a war zone, unquote.

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But using the communal kitchen with other housemates present could also be a danger to life and limb.

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This was because any disloyal or bourgeois statements in casual conversation

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might end up being reported to the authorities. People would report on each other, Russian

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never know who would be reporting. Thus, in many cases, it was best to keep one's mouth shut and

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retreat to one's bedroom as quickly as possible. Now let's contrast the Soviet dining ordeal

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with the household dining spaces in America or in Western Europe. By contrast, a recent survey

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suggested that 78% of American homes have a separate dining room in addition to a kitchen

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dining area. This is all a symbol of modern-day Western affluence. Since the 18th century,

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domestic dining areas have become larger and roomier. In our modern age, in which

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many families eat out at restaurants several nights per week, and public activities and

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entertainment venues are extremely common, the importance of domestic sociability is often

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overlooked. Yet, as Thanksgiving demonstrates, the act of gathering and socializing in a

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private home remains important for many families. Moreover, in times of economic downturn, domestic

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entertainment and social gatherings become more important because they are relatively more affordable.

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Like so many market innovations that have improved the domestic living space,

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the enlargement of spaces dedicated to dining and entertaining have helped improve the lives of

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women most of all. It was during the 18th century when middle-class families could begin

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to aspire to having a separate dining area large enough for serving and entertaining groups beyond

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the nuclear family alone. By the 1820s, specialized dining rooms became almost common,

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making this all the more something that middle-class families could perhaps obtain.

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The social importance of dining rooms should be apparent. Even from the early days of the

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bourgeois middle-class household, the ability to entertain at home meant a greater ability

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for women to socialize. This is not to say that it was unheard of for women to socialize outside

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the home, as Catherine French shows in her research on late medieval bourgeois households,

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rising incomes and worker productivity gave women more options in terms of consumption.

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This indeed meant more opportunities to socialize with friends and public,

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including in taverns. Moreover, as is so often the case with the spread and democratization

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of goods and services in the marketplace, public drinking houses were associated with

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overturned hierarchies, quote-unquote, and social flexibility in general.

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These were places where married women lacking such spaces in the cramped quarters of their

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houses could gather on their own terms. This form of socializing among women

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was regarded with suspicion, however, and respectable women were often hesitant

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to be seen spending much time in ins and taverns, as even the better ones were sometimes associated

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with gambling, prostitution, and disorder. While rising incomes did provide greater access to

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social venues outside the home for women, and men too, of course, the new concept of the

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private dining room provided additional outlets, and ones that were unlikely to threaten one's

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respectability. After all, the domestic space had long been associated more closely with women

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than men, as men could more freely move outside the domestic sphere. As homes became more spacious

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and social spaces like dining rooms have become more common, women were more able to bring the

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outside world to themselves and avoid the socially taxing challenges associated with

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dining outside the home. These new social spaces made it possible for women to visit each other

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in their homes, reducing the relative social isolation endured by many women who lacked the

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economic means or hood spa needed to drink with friends and taverns. As an alternative,

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historian Barbara Catech notes, quote, during the 18th century, the domestic interior became

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an arena for polite social entertainment. Home became a focal point of polite culture,

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and simultaneously it became a pleasant place to spend time. The development of a feminine

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culture of house visiting, which started in the late 17th century, led to the advent of

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domestic sociability. Unquote. Community social events were no longer simply carried on either

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in public drinking spaces or in parish hall meetings. Social events now took place in

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private homes, which by the 18th century had finally become spacious and well furnished enough

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to support such activities. As custodians of the domestic sphere, it was mostly women who

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managed these private social events. Catech goes on. Women were responsible for mediating domestic

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sociability for the family. They had the knowledge and the power to create an environment

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within which that was possible. For example, when John Marsh, a gentleman musician and lawyer,

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relocated his family to Chichester in 1787, his family immediately set about ordering,

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well that is his wife specifically, immediately set about ordering suitable furnishings for

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their drawing room so that they could announce the family's arrival into local society

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by, quote, unquote, seeing company. It was essential for them to successfully announce

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their arrival by partaking in the polite culture of domestic sociability.

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Modern day social rituals have become far more flexible and the stakes are clearly now

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lower for women who have many more ways of securing social status or socializing

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in general and in public. Yet one could scarcely say that the role of the family dinner with

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family friends and neighbors has ceased to be important in the social life of the community

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overall and especially in family life. Clearly, this sort of thing contrasts greatly with the idea

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of the family kitchen in the Soviet Union, which the authorities sought to replace with

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factories and sparse state controlled cafeterias. Perhaps more so than any other day of the

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year Thanksgiving Day illustrates this clearly. On the one hand, we have the Leninist Stalinist

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drive for greater production and the minimization of unnecessary, quote, unquote, consumption

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in the name of industrializing Soviet society. The communists sought to ensure Soviets were,

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quote, liberated from fussy dining, unquote, so the new Soviet man could create it more rapidly.

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On the other hand, even a 19th century American Thanksgiving meal would appear to the

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Leninist ideologue as both consumerist and bourgeois in the extreme. Things are even worse

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by communist standards today. Moreover, most Thanksgiving meals take place in private living

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quarters, far from the prying eyes of police and other state enforcers. Rather than spend the

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day producing goods and services for, quote, unquote, society, countless millions of Americans

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instead spend the day consuming food and entertainment and enjoying leisure time.

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It's difficult to imagine a scenario more unlike that imagined in Down with the Private

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Kitchen by Lenin's people. And that's something to be thankful for.

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I hope you've enjoyed this episode of Radio Rothbard. We'll be back next week with more,

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so we'll see you next time.

