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Hello friends, James Corbett here at CorbettReport.com with another edition of Solutions Watch, that regular weekly podcast where we can and we can't, we stop dwelling on the problems and start looking at the solutions.

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And on that very note, I hope by this point you have had a chance to see my latest podcast, namely episode 510 of the Corbett Report podcast on no war is not good for the economy.

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But if you haven't seen that exploration of the problem yet, I suggest you do so because I think it contains some valuable information debunking the old canard that, hey guys, I mean war may be a bad thing.

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And yeah, some people get killed and all, but hey, at least we make some money. Actually, even that is a demonstrable lie.

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And so hopefully you will be able to use that podcast episode to wake others up to that lie that continues to be used to sell certain people at least on the idea of warfare.

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But I think we need a more thorough going solution to the problem of the war economy.

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And it is obviously a very, very big problem that people have been thinking about, talking about marching on the streets about for a very, very long time.

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And it seems that we let's check in the year 2026.

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Yes, no, we have not yet eliminated warfare from the face of the planet.

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So that might be a bit of a tall order for a single podcast episode to change the world on.

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But let's see how far we can get along that path.

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And in order to do so, why don't we revisit a couple of those interviews that I was conducting last week with the podcast guests for episode 510.

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First and foremost, well, first anyway, Ken Skulad, who you will recall was the author of The Adventures of Jonathan Gullible.

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He's also the author of the text The Basis for What Became the Philosophy of Liberty Video at Libertas.Earth.

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Again, you can familiarize yourself with all of that through episode 510 or in the show notes of today's episode.

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But in episode 510, we were talking to Ken about his economic experience debunking the myth of war

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and the economy. But here's a part of that interview that you did not see in that episode,

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a part where I asked him explicitly and specifically, what can we do about this problem of people continuing to promote

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the old debunked canard that war is good for the economy?

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Let's contemplate then just finally the ramifications of this.

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What should we take away from this? Because obviously it seems obvious.

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Again, once it's pointed out the broken window fallacy or the fact that, yes, economic certain sectors of the economy may benefit from warfare,

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but at the expense of the other sectors, etc., these sorts of things become obvious once they're pointed out.

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And yet, here we are in 2026 and we're still having to address these sorts of terrible arguments that continue to be put forward

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by not just politicians, but by economists as well.

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And we are in the situation where the Krugmans of the world are still taken seriously and still listened to as fonts of wisdom

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and still lauded with Nobel Prizes and other such awards because they say the types of things that rich and powerful people want them to say, obviously.

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So what is the answer going forward from this? How do we escape this cycle?

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That's a tough one and I think there's probably dozens of approaches towards each person's strength.

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But one that I like to feel has hope because it has had a history of positive results throughout history and that is satire and mockery.

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There's one thing that tyrants can't stand to be laughed at.

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And I think that it diminishes their power, it strengthens the opposition, it points out the logical fallacies,

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and that's where Fridjit Bastiat was so genius.

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Time and time again, remember his famous candle makers petition to mock the campaigning, the lobbying of the textile industry

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to put up trade barriers. He says, well, let's just ban the sun.

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And you'll create more jobs of candle makers and coat makers by banning the sun.

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Don't allow people all that free light and heat from the sun.

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And I think that these, I mean, everyone has to do the tool that works best for them.

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You're very, very good at outreach through the media and so on.

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But I think that some of the things that are most effective throughout history is the use of satire to undermine the legitimacy and power and strength.

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Because I think one of the greatest attributes of human beings is the ability to laugh at folly.

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And it undermines it, it deflates it, tyrants can't stand it.

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That's why Stalin put people in prison in the gulag for 20 years because they made a joke about him, believe it or not.

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And 10 years if they laughed at the joke, and five years if they didn't report the joke.

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If I may, may I just tell you one of those jokes that I heard from the guys in the Republic?

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I would love to hear it. Yes.

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One day during the times of the Iron Curtain, some guys looked around the plaza in Prague, you know, to see that it was dark and nobody was around at like 2 o'clock in the morning.

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And so they went out to the wall with spray paint.

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They said, the president is a fool.

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And as soon as they finished the last letter, some guards came around the corner and saw them and said, off to prison with you.

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And they said, oh, we didn't mean our president, we met the American president.

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You can't trick us, we know which president is the fool.

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They tell on themselves, don't they?

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Yes, a great joke and a great demonstration of the point.

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That one thing that really is truly outlawed all over the place every time there is a tyrant that gets into power,

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the thing that they hate, they detest more than anything else is being laughed at, being mocked.

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They will always go after people who are making jokes about them.

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And there must be something to that.

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And once again, it's like the propaganda, the fact they're constantly propagandizing you means that what you think is important.

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They do care what you think.

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The fact that they will go after people who are making jokes about them means they really do care about people laughing at tyrants.

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And if that sounds familiar, well, ding, ding, ding, of course.

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Yes, I have talked about laughing at tyrants not only in the Corbett or podcast, but also in the Solutions Watch podcast,

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because I do think it is an important and effective way of undermining the tyrannical nature of the would-be tyrants.

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And hopefully the undermining the entire war apparatus itself, it is something that definitely permits of mockery.

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And I do wholeheartedly suggest that people mock and satirize these people as much as possible.

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The Crogmans of the world need to be laughed at more than they need to be taken seriously and refuted point by point.

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Well, do that too, but laugh at them as well, because what they are saying is ridiculous.

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And sometimes it takes the small child who will point and say,

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that guy's not wearing any clothes for everyone else to realize how stupid it is.

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So I'm very much in accord with that point.

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I'm also in accord. Let us not forget that school and began his response there by noting that there are many different approaches

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towards undermining the war state and each one plays to different people's strengths.

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So whatever your approach is, make sure that it's something that you yourself resonate with,

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that you can carry that torch forward in the way that best suits you.

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I think that is important advice as well.

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So thank you to Kent School and for that.

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And if there are people who are interested in the satirical way of undermining bad arguments,

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that is exactly what Kent School and the Adventures of Jonathan Gullible is.

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It is at least partially based on the idea of Gulliver's Travels.

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Of course, the classical satire.

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Well, it is a satire for the modern age in which he is making points like the broken windows files,

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like that which is seen and that which is not seen through the story of the adventures of this Jonathan Gullible

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who's traveling through this strange land.

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So it is, School and is talking about what he knows writing it penetrating satire.

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So that is one approach.

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But I think we can all agree it cannot be the only approach.

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If we simply laugh at the tyrants and stop there,

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it's probably not going to fundamentally change the system.

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Well, maybe it could have that effect in the long run.

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But what else can we do?

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What specifically economically speaking, what can we do to start seizing up

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this war machine and putting things in the gears to stop the war machine from grinding forward?

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Well, there are some, again, important economic points to be made here.

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So let's turn to the other guests that we were listening to last week on Episode 510,

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Michelle Chassadowski of the Global Center for Research on Globalization at globalresearch.ca.

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He's also at MichelleChassadowski.substack.com.

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And again, the links to that will be in the show notes for today's episode.

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But I also put the question to him, which we did not see in last week's podcast episode.

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Michelle Chassadowski, what can we do to undermine, to stop, to at least derail or deter the war state

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and the war economy from grinding forward?

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Well, that is a very important question.

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I reflected on it because it's not, we can't simply say, well, let's have a French Revolution or whatever.

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The thing is that we have an entrenched capitalist economy.

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We're not going to get out of that entrenched capitalist economy.

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I think that they are within the business community.

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People, and I know because I've published them, they are people within.

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They have businesses, they might even enlarge companies,

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but they still understand that this structure is destructive.

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And it can occur also at the level of policymaking.

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But of course it requires an understanding by the grassroots of the causes.

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Now, I mean, you have a lot of manipulation of politicians.

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We don't need to get into that, but the Epstein files and all that.

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But the thing is, this is a very, we are in a very sophisticated digital era.

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We have artificial intelligence.

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We have all sorts of manipulations at the level of national security.

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And it's very difficult for people who are at the grassroots to confront these initiatives.

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But I think that ultimately what we need is a progressive governments

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which respond to the grassroots and who have some understanding of how this is destructive.

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But very often they are the victims of their own propaganda.

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They don't understand.

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And they don't understand that when they start cutting the budget

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for people who are already impoverished and privatizing and so on and so forth,

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there has to be within the realm of what we used to call the welfare state.

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I think the welfare state can be restored, at least in western countries.

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But we have to foreclose also all the measures which are imposed on developing countries

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which is the neoliberal measures of the World Bank and the IMF and so on and so forth.

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But they are dramatic.

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And I just wanted to show you something.

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I have a pack of money here.

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They're all hundreds and thousands.

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Now, if I give that to you, what is your purchasing power?

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In Japan, I guess it would be zero.

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Well, this is Peru.

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In Peru, when I talk about the IMF World Bank policies, this happened.

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It was under the government of Fujimori.

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And it was in 1990, if I recall correctly.

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And the price of fuel went up 31 times in one day.

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Now, of course, we're not living that kind of condition.

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And essentially, when that happens, the price, there's a devaluation of the currency.

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Now, this is the devaluation of the currency that occurred.

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And with this, I could possibly buy a coffee or a sandwich, not more.

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And there are thousands and thousands of inches in there.

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But that is the kind of macroeconomic medicine.

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We said strong economic medicine of the IMF is that from one day to the next,

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they can literally undermine the whole monetary system of a country

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and impoverish the population.

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That has to be dealt with as well.

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I would say, certainly, we should start withdrawing from the Gretaux-Wens institutions.

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Independent countries should start withdrawing.

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Once again, that is Michelle Chassadowski of globalresearch.ca and MichelleChassadowski.substack.com.

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And I think Professor Chassadowski raises four important points that should be addressed there.

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Let's go reverse order there.

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The first point, the last point that he made, withdraw from the Bretton Woods institutions.

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I say, amen.

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Sure, absolutely, yes.

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That would be a good start towards undermining the grander financial monetary infrastructure

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that undergirds the imperialist wars of expansion around the world

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and is part and parcel of the war machine.

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Maybe not the backbone of that war machine, but is at least an integral part of it.

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Or one of the mechanisms by which it claws some of the riches out of these spoils of war.

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So yes, withdrawing from Bretton Woods institutions would be a good start.

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In fact, dismantling the entire United Nations architecture and infrastructure

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would be a good start towards undermining the functioning, the apparatus of the war machine,

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which let us remind ourselves every single war, all of these illegal wars of aggression,

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the Iraq war, the Syrian, Libyan, Yemen, all of these wars, of course,

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have been waged under the umbrella of this world that's governed by the United Nations.

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That's there to look after the international order, right?

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Well, a lot of fat goodness has been doing.

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And people may say that's a pie in the sky sort of thing to even be thinking about.

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But hey, back four or five years ago, I was trying to ring the alarm bell.

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Every nation should be withdrawing from the WHO.

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It is an evil institution that is up to no good.

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And that sounded like political pie in the sky fantasy thinking at the time.

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Well, here we are in 2026.

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And at least the US has started the process of withdrawing from the WHO.

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That is progress, and we should not poo poo it.

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So I think, yeah, I think that's a good point.

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Secondly, I think just from the display of the Peruvian money there,

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I think Professor Chostosky makes another good point,

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which is the hyperinflationary effects are the most obvious.

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And we, of course, can think through the different times in history where we've seen instances of that occur.

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But that's the most obvious example of the collapse of the economic charade,

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the house of cards that is predicated on all of this death and destruction.

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As I said, that doesn't actually generate any productive economic activity.

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And the lie is best understood through inflation.

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Of course, it's easiest to understand in those hyperinflationary events

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where the price of gas rises 31 times in a single day.

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Then everyone knows, oh, this is a total house of cards.

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This is phony baloney, funny paper that they're printing out of nothing.

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And it's not worth the paper that is printed on.

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That's when people start to really realize it.

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But we should understand that the inflationary effect that we are all seeing and feeling,

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me here in Japan, people in Canada, people in the United States, all around the world.

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This is the inflation tax, the hidden tax through which all of these wars of aggression are funded.

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Yes, they print the money out of nothing and spend it willy-nilly on the military industrial contractors

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or in military aid to Israel, et cetera, et cetera.

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But that chicken comes home to roost at some point, doesn't it?

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Of course, when the inflation starts to bite back.

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So yes, they can, of course, paper over all of this

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and just create this paper promises out of nowhere to fund the war machine,

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but it will come back to bite them in the ass eventually.

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And I think we should be very aware of that

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and should be trumpeting that a little bit more to the people who go along with these wars.

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Oh, who cares?

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Whatever, I'll support the war.

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It means whatever, we'll get more Venezuelan oil

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or whatever people think that they are getting in these military adventures for.

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And you have to point out to them, no, actually, this is going to come back to you.

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Thirdly, I think Professor Chostasowski makes a good point.

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Of course, while they're spending the billions and ultimately trillions now, of course,

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on the ravenous maw of the war machine beast.

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Of course, meanwhile, infrastructure is dilapidating any pretense

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of a social welfare system of any sort.

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Taking care of actual human beings goes to the wayside.

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Now, obviously, as a volunteer, I have my problems

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with the cradle to grave welfare system and all that it implies about government power.

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But I think it's the same practical idea that politicians and others wrestle with

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in the system that we are in, in the status system.

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It's like Ron Paul going in there and making the very good point.

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How about first we dismantle all of the war economy

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and all of these bases around the world

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and the trillions of dollars we're spending on the war machine?

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We dismantle that first.

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And then we can start having the conversation about cutting back on

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age to actual human beings in suffering, right?

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You don't start cutting back on that first.

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And then maybe we'll get around to dismantling the war machine later.

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No, priorities.

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So if we are going to be, we are living in this statist world

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of these statist institutions that have been constructed

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that people have built their lives around

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and that are counting on in order to stop them from

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literally starving to death on the streets,

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maybe we should worry at priorities.

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Let's dismantle the war machine first.

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That is number one priority.

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And then we can start having the ideological debates about

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voluntarism and the social welfare system

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and how it functions or should not function.

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Fourthly, then of course, Chostadofsky does bring up the idea

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that he's in support of progressive governments

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with grassroots movements behind them.

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Well, again, as a voluntarist, I am not on board

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with progressive governments interfering and meddling,

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but I am all 100% on board with the idea that this is,

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this will require a grassroots movement.

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This is absolutely not going to come

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from voting in a better political savior

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who's definitely going to keep us out of those wars.

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He promised, you heard him on the campaign tail,

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no more stupid wars in the middle.

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Oh, wait.

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Oh, here we are now, war of their hand.

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Oh, okay, cool.

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No, the answer is not going to come

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from some political savior coming from on high.

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It can only come from people coming together.

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I am more and more convinced of that fact.

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The fact, the demonstrable fact that at least at this point,

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until they start automating literally everything,

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which is coming, but until they have automated us

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out of existence, we still are the lifeblood of the economy.

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You and me and the people watching this,

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living at the bottom rung of the economic ladder,

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are the lifeblood of the economy.

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They depend on our support, our cooperation, our labor,

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our consumption, et cetera.

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We really are the deciding factor

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in whether they are able to do

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to continue this war machine functioning

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and all of the other garbage that they have built

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on top of this phony baloney economy,

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it rests on our productive labor.

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And so that really is our bargaining tool.

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It has been for a very long time.

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Interestingly, that recognition of that fact

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has been drummed out of us for a very long time.

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When was the last time that you had a serious, genuine,

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concerted attempt in the developed world

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to actually withhold or withdraw labor?

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When have you had organized strikes for a specific purpose?

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Like, we are not going to fund this war in Iran,

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and until that happens, general strike.

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I mean, you know what, let's make fun of the French

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and oh, they're on fire and everything.

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But at the very least in French culture,

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as people may or may not have noticed,

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they strike at the drop of a hat.

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They strike all the time.

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Every single time I have ever visited France,

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there have been mass strikes and demonstrations

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on the streets.

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Maybe we need more of that sense in our culture.

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Maybe we need people to just come together,

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even on just this one point, starving the war machine.

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No, we will not allow you to make this

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$1.5 trillion budget for the Pentagon next year,

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the largest budget in the history of the Pentagon.

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No, we're not going to cooperate with this.

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We're not going to go along with it.

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We're going to withhold our support and our labor.

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That is one idea of one of the poker chips

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that we have to play in this grand game,

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this casino economy that they've created around us.

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We can simply withdraw our support.

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Of course, boycott, divestment, and sanction.

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I have talked about it before on this podcast.

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The ideas of sanction, bycotting, boycotting, et cetera.

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Again, that is a way that we can take what we do

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at the absolute basic bottom level of this economy,

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the consumption that, again, keeps all of this moving along.

23:56.460 --> 23:58.740
We can withdraw our support from this or that.

23:58.820 --> 24:00.920
We can put our support into this or that.

24:01.040 --> 24:03.300
We can divest from any and all businesses

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that are supporting of the war machine, et cetera, et cetera.

24:07.320 --> 24:10.060
But that takes time and effort and energy

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and coordination and organization.

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And who's got time for that

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when they're just trying to put food on the table?

24:16.400 --> 24:19.920
So I put it to you that that is,

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it is obviously the only way

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that we are going to have any effect whatsoever

24:24.840 --> 24:27.460
on truly shaping the course of society.

24:27.660 --> 24:28.920
It will only come from that.

24:28.960 --> 24:31.080
It will not come from the political,

24:31.420 --> 24:33.560
once every four years, you get a vote

24:33.560 --> 24:35.840
to cast in the slave suggestion box.

24:36.060 --> 24:38.600
That is certainly my opinion on this.

24:38.840 --> 24:40.840
But the details are, of course,

24:41.060 --> 24:42.320
that is where the devils lie.

24:42.500 --> 24:44.900
And how do we get from here to there?

24:44.900 --> 24:47.220
How do we get to organizing people

24:47.220 --> 24:49.180
around a mass movement of non-compliance,

24:49.620 --> 24:51.800
of protests, of strikes, of boycotts,

24:51.900 --> 24:53.760
of bycots, of divestment, of sanctions,

24:53.940 --> 24:57.000
and all of that which can actually start

24:57.940 --> 25:00.720
to direct this economy in the direction we want?

25:01.040 --> 25:03.480
Well, that is the question on the table.

25:03.620 --> 25:06.880
And that is where I am very much open

25:06.880 --> 25:11.380
to hearing your suggestions and ideas on that subject.

25:11.740 --> 25:13.320
So on that very note,

25:13.320 --> 25:18.740
I am going to see if I floated this idea

25:18.740 --> 25:20.660
in the Think Tank, Stink Tank's

25:20.660 --> 25:22.140
recent edition of the Corbett Report podcast.

25:22.420 --> 25:25.500
Well, let's see if anything can eventuate from this.

25:25.580 --> 25:28.080
Is the Corbett Report community up to the task

25:28.080 --> 25:29.040
of taking on this challenge?

25:29.500 --> 25:30.780
What is that roadmap?

25:31.000 --> 25:32.500
How do we get from here to there?

25:32.640 --> 25:35.760
What specific actions can people start taking?

25:36.200 --> 25:39.640
Where, how, who, and what way do we start organizing

25:39.640 --> 25:42.040
under an umbrella to make these things happen?

25:42.500 --> 25:45.880
I am all ears and very much interested to see

25:45.880 --> 25:48.080
if there are any ideas out there

25:48.080 --> 25:50.380
for how we get the ball rolling on this,

25:50.420 --> 25:53.160
because it seems to me this is the only shot

25:53.160 --> 25:54.500
that we have, the only chance.

25:54.960 --> 25:57.040
So let's, let me put it out there

25:57.040 --> 25:58.060
to the Corbett Report community.

25:58.480 --> 25:59.960
What are your suggestions?

26:00.340 --> 26:01.540
I want to see roadmaps.

26:01.620 --> 26:02.440
I want to see ideas.

26:02.580 --> 26:03.240
I want to see plans.

26:03.460 --> 26:05.220
I want to see organizational charts,

26:05.840 --> 26:06.820
whatever you've got.

26:07.360 --> 26:09.060
And of course, Corbett Report members

26:09.060 --> 26:11.840
are invited to come to CorbettReport.com

26:11.840 --> 26:13.960
and leave your suggestions

26:13.960 --> 26:18.000
in the comments section of this podcast.

26:18.620 --> 26:21.760
If, if there is participation in that discussion,

26:21.880 --> 26:24.060
if there are ideas, I am going to start

26:24.060 --> 26:26.900
rolling that ball up the hill,

26:26.980 --> 26:28.680
as it were, in the Sisyphean analogy

26:28.680 --> 26:31.040
and see where we can get to with this.

26:31.160 --> 26:34.460
So your participation will make a difference

26:34.460 --> 26:36.360
over at CorbettReport.com.

26:36.680 --> 26:39.140
And on that note, I think this is a topic

26:39.140 --> 26:40.720
that we'll have to keep returning to,

26:40.720 --> 26:42.640
but I hope at the very least I have provided

26:42.640 --> 26:45.300
some food for thought for today's conversation.

26:46.400 --> 26:47.720
And let's leave it there.

26:48.340 --> 26:50.760
I thank you very much for putting your time

26:50.760 --> 26:52.660
and effort and energy and attention into

26:52.660 --> 26:54.420
this exploration here today,

26:54.520 --> 26:56.620
and very much look forward to talking to you

26:56.620 --> 26:57.440
again in the near future.

27:27.280 --> 27:33.560
Thank you very much.

