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Welcome to episode 2 of Liberty Report Extra.

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This is an extra Liberty Report where I'm going to be speaking to a number of people

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about a number of ideas that I think are interesting, that I think you'll find interesting, that

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don't necessarily fit in with the format of the usual and normal Ron Paul Liberty Report.

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You'll remember last week I spoke with Caleb Malpin, an interesting writer and intellectual.

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Well this week I'm also speaking with someone I consider a very interesting writer and intellectual

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and also like Caleb, non-controversy, but I'm talking about Michael Recton-Wald, a fascinating

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guy I first got to know Michael at a Mises Institute conference a few years ago over

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here in Lake Jackson and we've kept in touch and I've kept a monitor of what he's been

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up to and he's done a couple of interesting things.

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So Michael, welcome to the program, welcome to the Liberty Report Extra.

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Good to be here Daniel, thanks for having me.

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It's good to have you here.

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Well let us know a little bit about yourself for people that may not know you as well

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as I do.

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Yeah sure, so you know as is pretty well known I was a professor at NYU for 11 years

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and before that at Duke and Carnegie Mellon, Case Western Reserve University.

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I retired officially from NYU in 2019 after there was some controversy regarding

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wokeness and the ideological police there and so since then I've been writing books

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and doing speaking engagements.

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I ran for president as a libertarian on the Libertarian Party.

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I tried to win the nomination.

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That was foiled, but I've been basically back at teaching, I can't say where

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because they'll come from me.

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So I am teaching again in a university and running as a pack, the ex-designist America pack.

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So you're teaching underground.

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What's interesting Michael, I mean you talked about it a lot in your presentation

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for the Mises conference a few years ago but you know you've made a real journey from

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the intellectual left and then you went through sort of the conservative right

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and now you're sort of off on another plane.

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I mean it's interesting for me because I sort of came from a similar milieu.

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You had a BA in English, I think you earned a few years before me.

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I got mine from UC Berkeley in 1988 and so we probably were in sort of

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the same general intellectual ferment at the time studying English literature

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with the prevailing schools of literary analysis that were a theory that was going on exactly

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at the time and I think you were probably more political.

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I was more punk rock.

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I guess my rebellion at Berkeley was to become sort of a right-wing punk rock guy.

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That's what I'm saying but I mean always a rebel but walk us a little bit about

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what that milieu was like and how it affected you and how you came out of it.

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Sure so I do recount all this very very thoroughly in my book Spring Come for Snowflakes,

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Social Justice and its Post-Modern Parentage.

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Yeah so I was an undergrad as you said in English literature and then I went into

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advertising for like nine years and I did pretty well in that but I got burned out.

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It was disgustingly repetitive and boring in a way although it was very good.

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It was very remunerative.

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I decided to go back to graduate school and I went to undergrad.

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I finished in 83 by 93 as you probably can very well remember there was a major

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change that happened in the institutions of higher education and particularly in English

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departments which started to and had by the 90s very well and completely incorporated into

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the curriculum what is known as broadly theory, literary and cultural studies,

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literary and cultural theory.

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I became very immersed in theory, inclusive of of course Marxist theory and there are many

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versions thereof and post-modern theory, feminism, post-structuralism, post this, post that.

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And I became pretty indoctrinated in a way I would say I was never completely I was always

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pretty independently pretty independent thinker even as a Marxist.

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I became a Marxist and wrote and this was not what I taught.

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I didn't teach Marxism in the university.

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I was not proselytizing from the lectern as it were.

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I taught English studies as I taught my specialty is actually 19th century science and culture.

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So that's what I wrote my dissertation and I had two books, three books on that area in that area

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and one was just published in fact in December 2025.

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So I still do this stuff but from a different standpoint of course I had you know pretty much

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imbibed much of the premises and conclusions of Marxism and you know with a post-modernist twist

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as it were kind of a post-modern post-modern inflection on it.

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And then you know and I started becoming very disenchanted with the university

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in the mid 10s 2015 2016 when the developments there were very foreboding as I saw it.

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There was basically a policing of opinion going on.

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It started to ramp up interestingly as Donald Trump emerged as a presidential candidate

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against Hillary Clinton that seems like the campuses went into a total hysteria.

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And anything that sounded at all remotely like Trump or criticisms of social justice sorts,

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you know political correctness as it were was deemed you know right-wing and extremist.

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So I made these critiques and the student newspaper had interviewed me

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as I had started this Twitter account called anti-pcnyupro and I called myself the Deplorming

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Professor and you know mostly out of you know shock value frankly it wasn't like a real

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adhesion to Trump but I'd like to stick it to the Hillary Clinton people because I found her to

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be utterly disgusting and I still do. So that caused you know a fallout for me at the university

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and it wasn't you know it was almost instantaneous that I became at least a civil libertarian when

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I recognized that without individual rights particularly the right of free speech and

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supposed academic freedom on a campus which was it's a total misnomer there is no such thing.

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I found myself you know totally divorcing the whole last in fact I renounced the

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left all of it at once looting Marxist because I thought that I didn't want anything to do

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with these people they were utterly censorious and you know what I saw as a budding totalitarians

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frankly. Yes absolutely. I mean I recognized that I went back to grad school in 91 and I was

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at the time doing international relations but it was the same thing I mean it was just assumed

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that you were an adherent to all of the theories you know post-colonialism and all of these

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sorts of things and if you were if you happen to not agree with that if you happen to dare

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think about realism for example in world affairs which I've come to reject for a number of reasons

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but you kept it quiet you kept it quiet and that's another thing that I was living in San Francisco

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at the time and that's the other thing about living in San Francisco in the early 90s if you were

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not if you did not buy into their indoctrination you kept your mouth shut because the open mind

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was only open in one direction that's actually why I left San Francisco in the middle of my

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fee of my master's thesis because I couldn't take it anymore. Yeah it's very tough to take I saw

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graduate students when I was coming through as a graduate student at Ph.D. program in particular

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Carnegie Mellon I saw students literally thrown out of the program for being what they call

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Bright Lane if we're wanting to write about say property rights through lock-in ideas and

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things like that they were dismissed and basically said no nobody wants to work with you you know as

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a as a dissertation advisor so you you're gonna have to leave I've seen this I saw this numerous

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times and then at NYU on hiring committees I saw as straight white males particularly were

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put in one pile and then just you know basically discarded unless they could find somebody from

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the other pile they would not go back to the white male pile I saw blatant discrimination and the

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use of identity as a means to squelch thought and to squelch expression from other people

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this what I call you know sort of their cry bullies this is kind of like snowflakes so

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colitarianism yeah but it's more vicious I mean a snowflake it as a word it's such a dainty little

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thing it's actually a very vicious thing it's a it's a throat to the knife kind of thing you

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know and I remember in grad school there were a couple and you would find them through the

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underground you know but I went with one of the other students we would pass around

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national view like pornography like under the table you know I mean it was it was that

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bad you could not let anyone see you read and of course now I think national review is discussing

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but my friend actually ironically at the time he read national review and I forget the he was also

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at the Chomsky so he really was interested in the whole perspective but the Chomsky stuff was

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fine you could have it on your desk but the national review got to put her to the desk yeah

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I call them snowflake totalitarians because they mobilize their so-called fragility in order

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to squelch you're right true that's good that's a good image that's a gage well let's let's go into

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the LP stuff because that was that was an interesting was an interesting choice that you made we don't

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have to go into all the details of it because I do want to get to the main reason we're talking

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which is now your new life as a lobbyist which is interesting but I just I'm wondering I mean

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what was your biggest takeaway from the 24-ray so you are as I understand as if I recall you had

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not been involved in politics you hadn't learned for office before and boom you jumped in off the deep

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end what's your yeah I jumped in says I was asked by the Mises caucus to run by Michael Heiss and

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I deliberated it and you know naturally not thinking of all the possible downsides to the

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whole thing but it was an interesting experience and I found that the LP you know ended up to me to

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be very disappointing in the sense that it resembles or at least they're trying to be like the major

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parties in many ways in terms of you know I think was ledger domain in the final tally and

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the final voting there was a lot of illegal from the standpoint of the LP's own rules activity going on

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plus I think there was some Trump interloping into the whole thing he did come to the convention

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and I believe his people also have something to do with what the final results because

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they didn't want anybody that was deemed anything like so-called right wing running

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and as a libertarian they did they wanted to foreclose any possibility yeah losing votes to the

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libertarian party they wanted the naked guys that show up naked at the events right both

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yeah yeah so I'm sorry go ahead I interrupted you yeah they courted the libertarian party as you

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know Trump spoke at the convention I had a mishap there which was I won't go into but I didn't

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know I was taking a hundred milligrams of THC I thought I was sitting out games

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so called gummy gate and you know that took a while to live down for me frankly it wounded me

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psychically because uh frankly that's just not who I am and I was uh I was very disturbed by the

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whole thing um but I don't think that was finally the last the real thing because even

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even after that I won the first five rounds of voting as you know they used the runoff thing where

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you have to reach 50 percent yeah I won five times but I lost it in the end so uh because of the

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one of the candidates threw his support to the other guy the second uh the guy that was

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second place all the way through that ended my run I mean there was a lot of power politics

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in the LP thing that year I mean uh and I think a lot of people uh uh they regret but a lot of

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people are also angry about how they were uh many people got behind Trump but I mean Trump is no

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dummy I you know I think obviously every day I think more and more that he's evil but he's

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no dummy and I think people and he also there there have been libertarians or libertarian

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oriented people uh certainly in his first administration I knew some of them uh they're

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not there now uh but they were trying to gently from the inside you know push toward this which

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is an admirable thing to do and but they were pushing this and they and I and I think they

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did understand this is a body of voters that in terms of electoral politics everything else

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stripped aside may not be uh something as as relevant it may not be a threat but when you

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look at this in terms of swing votes if you look at uh libertarians who are not going naked to the

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convention um you have a block of voters here and if you can tap into that if you can tap into

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people who are interested in Monpaul uh that's going to be some votes that you need in critical

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places so I think they certainly knew what they were doing when they courted these votes

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yeah absolutely and I don't I don't fault the the party for wanting to try to

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become you know to sort of infiltrate as it were the the Republican party and the Trump campaign to

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push them towards libertarian ideas they did get Ross Albrecht reed that is very notable yeah um I

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said that many times that that is something that is an accomplishment of uh Angela McCartle that

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should stand in history I think absolutely she gets so yeah she deserves a great deal of credit

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for that and although I don't think Ross ever gave it to her frankly publicly but uh I think she

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deserves a great deal of credit for that but I think the whole thing was you know we don't we

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I think a lot of people didn't know just the extent to which Trump was compromised shall we say

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and yeah the extent to which he was a dissembler a con artist you know uh you know I think the

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whole MAGA thing as it turns out was perhaps the largest con bait and switch routine ever played

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on the American political uh political scenario yeah books will definitely be written about in

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the future that's for sure I think no question about it um but you know we talked about the

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sort of intellectual totalitarianism uh when it comes to uh you know when it comes to the

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university and academia but you know the other them kind of the main reason I'd like to talk to you

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today is that same kind of intellectual totalitarianism but in the political realm and I'm talking

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really about the role of APAC the American Israel uh political action committee uh in our

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political life you know this is something that I dealt with on Capitol Hill uh for a decade

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plus when I worked with Dr. Paul um things were very different then people understood

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that when it came to foreign policy uh APAC had a pretty strong stranglehold on things you know and

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I went to many briefings Dr. Paul was on the international relations committee we went to

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many briefings on bills uh in any time the bill was mentioned any time a bill was up for

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discussion staff would have a meeting if it was about the Middle East we would be assured

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by the senior staff the committee staff that this legislation was APAC approved

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and so of course all the other staffers were happy because they didn't have to read the bill

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and who it had a pre-approval people knew that things were being drafted by APAC uh it was

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it was something that was understood but it was also something that with a few exceptions

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and I'm thinking of people like Jim trafficant uh and there were a few others uh it just

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wasn't mentioned certainly not in public at the time and I'm talking about the early 2000s

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of course we can go back to they dare to speak out and that's a whole different conversation

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but I'm talking about my experience there now behind closed doors for example when we had

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the private lunches in Dr. Paul's office a lot of members would complain about it

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they didn't like it they didn't like to stranglehold uh but a lot of them were afraid to do

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anything about it so so that is what it felt like then at the time but also but none of the

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world has changed and a lot of the things that were not said are being said so walk us through

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this sort of uh intellectual transformation on your part and how you came to found this

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anti-zionist political action committee yeah thank you um so I want to make it very clear that

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this anti-zionist political action committee the whole thing really does extend from

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my political outlook as a libertarian uh and that is to say I am a non-interventionist I

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don't believe that the United States should be intervening in other wars and causing wars

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and initiating wars especially especially at the behest of other countries like Israel

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and you know I'm largely anti-statist I think the state should be reduced as much as possible

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and um to see the state hijacked by this other entity you know by this one influence

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APAT and there are 500 other organizations yes not detailed in Grant uh Grant Smith's book

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Big Israel yeah he's great yeah he's very good and he shows how the you know so-called tax

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deductible charity organizations actually funnel all this money into propaganda and west bank settlements

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and things like this I just couldn't stand by and then with the with the genocide ongoing and

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feeling utterly frustrated and having some audience largely accrued through you know my writings but

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also then the part uh the the campaign I said that I'm in a position to actually try to do

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something and I couldn't sit back and just watch um or just tweet or podcast and things like this I

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there had to be some action and I thought what we need is an anti-designist party but then I know

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left you know from my experience with the LP and everything that you see you know you can't

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even get on a ballot in a lot of cases and uh you know RFK Jr couldn't even get off on a

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ballot and then he couldn't get off the ballot they tried uh so they played the game as you know very

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well the deck is totally stacked by these uh uniparty operatives they've got the state under

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their control so they can eliminate third party candidates easily they block them out through all

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kinds of mains petitions and so you know like entrance fees and everything else

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exclusions from debates everything you can imagine so as you very well know all the

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but I thought then well what is one way to do something and I thought what about a pack because

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a pack can fund any candidate regardless of party especially if it's a non-connected pack

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which we are as a pack is non-connected or unconnected to any party or candidate so we

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can support anybody then I thought the interesting thing about the anti-zionist movement is that I

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believe it's largely done in good faith but I think they have a lot of mistaken premises

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for the most part that that is mostly coming from the left and progressives they think that

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they can win by getting democrats to be republicans yeah even anti-zionist democrats

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have to be republicans but the real bulwark of zionism as you very well know is the right wing

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it's the republican party so they have to be defeated from venice and that's why we backed a

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lot of republican candidates who are running against well-known zionists like for example

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randy fine in florida oh yeah we're supporting his primary competitor and baker who is you

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running to defeat him and this is going to be a republican district it doesn't matter

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who wins whoever wins the republican nomination will be winning that seat so this is the approach

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we that I've been taking is that how do we insert ourselves and start to get a shall we say an

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anti-zionist a coalition nerveiac in congress so that they become disruptive and that disruption

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becomes known and that becomes part part and parcel of our political discourse I wanted to

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make anti-zionism he analyzed in a in our country and make zionism be uh the anathema that it should be

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and um to talk about what we mean by zionism because that's a big that's a question that

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always comes up what do you mean by zionism yeah and I the jews are right till a state

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or they don't want to be able to have any philosophy they want to have is what I what I had believed

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you know zionist that's your philosophy you're welcome to it you know absolutely but here's the

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thing where we draw the line is that and I've defined zionism for our purposes as the you

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know as the black male and bribery of the political class and the extortion of taxpayers

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for the benefit of Israel that's it yeah well so that's what we oppose the purchase of our political

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class you know it's interesting because um just a few years ago uh if you would say something

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here's a headline we this was we did a show last week on the liberty report and this is a headline

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that we that we both noticed um Trump says he will make a mutual decision with Netanyahu

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on when to win the and when to end the iran war now if you had said maybe 10 even 10 years ago

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maybe fewer that will Israel seems to be driving our foreign policy you would be you would be

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accused of many many terrible things but now it's absolutely normalized no no i'm not going to go

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to congress i'm going to go ahead and go to the head of this foreign country and we'll decide

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together when we should end this war i mean it's it's it's a pretty radical transformation

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yeah and you saw you know members of the administration like rubio coming out and saying the reason we

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attacked Iran is because we knew israel was going to attack them and maybe we would retaliate against

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up yeah so we're being led you know the tail is wagging the dog very hard as it were

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whereas a pro-american uh secretary of state with someone like maybe like uh

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james baker would have said okay but guess what not another penny guys and you're on your own

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exactly that would have sent the message uh and there hasn't been anything go ahead i'm sorry

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yeah that's all it is we just want to cut off the funding uh cut off the funding to this

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criminal uh enterprise now i don't care what you think about israel i think rotting us to

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pay for their uh military adventures and imperialist ambitions is completely

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uh contradictory to u.s interests in terms of american citizens anyway yeah i mean i think the

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um fits the m i c the military industrial contractors but it doesn't benefit uh it

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doesn't benefit the american people yeah absolutely and i think you know i mean the world changed

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in october 7th hamas military operation against israel and i think it um the reaction of israel

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radicalized a lot of people um you know i had i had i had come to become critical

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because i was dealing with middle i was very pro-israel in the 90s trust me very pro-israel

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i was happy when nevin yahoo was elected uh you know this and that um but as i as i progressed

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on the hill i met with rachel corey's family and in fact i refused to meet with her family at first

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because i didn't want to get involved in any of that not my problem not our problem um but i

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finally did meet with them and i finally i started coming to understand that there is an unhealthy

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relationship here uh and it's uh it's you know sucking the future away at least from us economically

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and morally and really the october 7th incident the reaction to it was radicalizing i think to a

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lot of people that particularly i mean certainly me as a parent when i saw all of these kids

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being slaughtered in gaza i myself and i know many many other people became much more radicalized

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and much more angry uh not only in israel for doing this but for at the united states government

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i'm more angry with our government for facilitating and forgiving them the money if you know the

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guy's a dope addict uh and you hand him the syringe well you're you're as guilty as he is yes

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they're enabling and they're complicit and the international law says that in effect if you

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enable and fund known crimes against humanity then you are similarly guilty and i think

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our whole congress minus a few exceptions are guilty and all the senate for the most part also

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and uh but you know even from that standpoint we we wanted to make it very clear that while

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we think it would be to the benefit of the whole world should the united state the couple

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from israel and which supporting their crimes against humanity and belligerence across the

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middle east that it would also benefit the united states citizens it it's it's good for the world and

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it's good for us yeah and uh interestingly enough you know kind of america first nationalism is

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actually better for the world as large yeah in that in that respect you know and one one could

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argue um that if you are affectionate toward israel i think it's certainly better for israel

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israel is in is in a psychotic state right now and partly is because the us has been that

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pusher handing them a new syringe over and over whatever you guys do i got your back it's like a

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kid who keeps stealing from the store and you keep covering for him he's going to steal bigger and

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bigger things and that's what happened and what's happened and i would rather obviously have zero

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intervention zero you know dealing other than trade but the fact of the matter is we've kept

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supporting and back stopping this bad behavior to the point where not only are they hated in

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their neighborhood they're hated universally the we were basically it's us and modi in india the only

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two countries now uh who who are so so no country should want to be in a position where you are

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universally hated that is not a good place to be no it's not good and i think it's bad for the

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jewish people not only the israelis but also jewish people around the world because of

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israel's conflation of anti zionism with anti semitism and that is definitely a strategic

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ploy on their part to make all criticism of israel off limits uh with the proviso that if you do

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criticize them you'll be called an anti semi and of course i have already been called this i'm

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surprised michael but also the conflation with with uh jewish identity and zionism because we

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we both know many people of jewish background who are the most ardent anti zionists and some of them

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are our good friends uh and so sure and finkle stein uh eramate many yeah yeah i mean these are great

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the most strident and articulate anti zionists are actually jewish and they're being put it out

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there's of course organizations like the voice of rabbi this uh these acidic jews that are largely

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anti zionists yes and they they bemoaned this this conflation and they see it as

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endangering them yeah they don't want to be identified with bad actors who would yeah absolutely well

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we're going to have to close out here michael i appreciate the great conversation let people

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know if they're interested in as a pack or or you or your work let people know where they can

30:41.950 --> 30:51.150
find you absolutely so as a pack website is az a dash pat dot com that's az a dash pat dot com

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or just search as a pack az a pac on google we still come up they haven't well should i

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surprised but and and my own work is largely on my sub stack now it's called rect r e k t on

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sub stack so if you just search for sub stack rect r e k t you'll see my rigid most of my

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new original writings and then uh there is my other website michael rectinwall dot com where all my

31:17.150 --> 31:24.230
folks and a great majority of my essays and appearances and media coverage is sweet is there

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okay great well michael thanks so much for taking the time to talk to liberty report extra

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today and i also want to thank the viewers for tuning in uh please come back to the next episode

31:34.970 --> 31:36.230
of liberty report extra

