WEBVTT

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Hello and welcome to another episode of the Unanimity podcast. I'm Mark Thornton at the Mises Institute.

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The Unanimity podcast is a long form podcast about a general subject that is of lasting value in terms of its content.

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In contrast, the Minor Issues podcast deals more with current events, current affairs.

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And so this is a little bit of a hybrid.

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The title of this episode is Why Smart People Are Rightly Confused About Tariffs.

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But it will drop in the same time slot as the Minor Issues podcast.

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I encourage everyone to go back and look at the previous episodes of the Unanimity podcast.

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Thank you for listening.

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I've had several friends, several very smart friends, almost menace level friends, asked me about tariffs.

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And they were generally confused.

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And so this episode is addressing that confusion of my very intelligent friends.

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But also it has a lasting value because it's something that Americans have been confused about for the entire period of American U.S. history.

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So why don't we understand tariffs?

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Well, the first reason is that it's really a special name.

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You know, tariffs are essentially a tax and everyone understands a tax pretty well.

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In the sense that, you know, taxes is the government taking your possessions, your wealth, your money,

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and it's creating disincentives for you to work, to save, to invest, and anything that the tax is placed on.

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So while we understand taxes pretty well because they directly harm us,

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tariffs, using this different name for a tax on imported goods or even exported goods, adds to the confusion.

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And of course, the second reason that people get confused about tariffs is that there are always a tendency to muddle the issue with not just tariffs,

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but also non-tariff barriers.

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So sometimes a protectionist policy, which also confuses the issues because tariffs are not really protecting us at all.

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But very often these non-tariff barriers get lumped in, things like quotas,

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so that we're only allowed to import a certain amount of a particular good or outright prohibitions of certain goods.

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And then of course there's also the general tariff where the taxes on goods imported apply to all goods that are imported,

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but very often they're targeted tariffs so that the tax only applies to certain classifications of goods

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or particular goods or certain sectors of goods, such as putting tariffs on raw materials or putting tariffs on manufactured goods.

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And so there's a lot of confusion about what exactly is that policy of protectionism.

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And the confusion grows for most people because it's something we simply don't deal with that often.

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So taxes we understand because we have to deal with them all the time, every day,

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at least in the current situation we pay taxes on just about everything we do.

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And it seems like there's multiple layers of taxation on our incomes and on our labor.

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So we've got plenty of experience there, but with tariffs it's really something that we think that foreigners have to deal with

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or customs officials have to deal with.

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Customs officials are basically tax collectors who regulate and collect taxes on imported goods.

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It might surprise a lot of people to know that later in his career Adam Smith was a tax collector.

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He ran the customs house in the local area where imported goods would actually be taxed and the taxes would be collected.

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So we don't have a lot of experience.

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I mean most Americans, you know, if you're traveling abroad or foreigners who are traveling abroad,

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once you cross the border, sometimes you're accosted by customs officials to declare what you might be importing into the country.

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So if you're flying into a foreign country or you're on a cruise ship in the Caribbean,

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when you reach home base again you might have to declare what you're importing into the country and pay a tax on it.

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But that's usually very little typical experience although from my anecdotal data it seems like most of the people that I know

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are smugglers in the sense that they don't officially declare everything that they're importing on their trips.

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Now a big thing that adds to the confusion about tariffs and whether or not they're a good thing

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is that tariffs in the United States are considered a good thing with respect to 19th century America.

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That the United States relied, the federal government relied heavily on income taxes on imported goods.

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And the tariff revenues made up a substantial part of the federal budget and that's true.

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And the United States also grew as a nation in size, you know, in terms of its land mass.

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The United States spread from the eastern seaboard through the south and the midwest and to the west coast during the 19th century.

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The population of the United States increased from just a few million people to over 100 million people in that time.

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And of course, our economy grew enormously not just because of the size or the population, but in terms of income.

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The real income of Americans, the individual American or the individual family or household grew substantially through the 19th century

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so that Americans were the highest income earners or at least near the top in the world by the end of the 19th century.

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America had become by the end of the 19th century a economic superpower as a result of economic growth.

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And historians have confused the issue thinking that tariffs were the source of economic success.

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That by protecting certain industries, particularly iron, later steel industries that somehow contributed to American prosperity.

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But that's really completely confused.

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Tariffs, as I'm going to point out, are unequivocally a bad thing.

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There's nothing good economically speaking about tariffs.

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So I just want to get that on the table.

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They're bad for the economy, both in the short run and the long run.

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There's really nothing to be good to be said about tariffs.

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And that's, you know, with respect to my smart friends, they realize that.

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But then they remember the tale that somehow tariffs were good for America because America did so well in the 19th century.

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The real cause and effect here, though, was that America was an incredibly free market economy in the 19th century.

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And while the American Civil War was a complete disaster, killing untold numbers of people,

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and we were certainly not at peace through the entire time, we were at peace for a substantial amount of the 19th century.

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We were on the gold standard in the 19th century.

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But most important of all is we had a very free market economy.

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The federal government had very little budget, had very little control.

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Economists have studied to the extent that they did have controls and the results were bad.

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But the overall size of the federal government was so small that it just necessitated the fact that we had a open free market economy,

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even if we did have tariffs at very high levels for much of that century.

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And even if we did have a lot of unnecessary and sometimes disastrous monetary policy in the 19th century,

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the day-to-day activities of the American population were almost completely unregulated by the federal government.

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And because Americans were mobile and from state to state and from city to city,

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it meant that state and local governments had to compete to a certain degree.

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And they couldn't just use draconian policies without threatening to lead to an exodus of their population, their businesses, their entrepreneurs, etc.

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And so as a consequence, we had a very free market economy.

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Now where do tariffs come in?

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Well, tariffs produce very little revenue because people avoid tariffs.

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And there's a limit to what you can expect to get out of tariffs in terms of revenue.

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They're almost always disappointing the official estimates.

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So even though the United States government relied on tariffs for a substantial part of its revenue and its income stream,

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the fact that they did rely heavily on tariffs meant that they just didn't have much revenue.

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There wasn't much they could do.

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And so their revenue sources were relatively small.

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In the 19th century, there was tariff revenues and there was revenues from land sales and some excise taxes.

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But revenues were very small, which meant that the federal government had to be very small.

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And therefore, we had a free market economy.

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So you can only say that tariffs were good and contributed to American prosperity to the extent that it put a stranglehold on revenues for the federal government.

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And another misconception about tariffs is that tariffs cause the Great Depression.

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In 1930, the U.S. government passed the Smoot-Hawley tariffs.

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And those were protectionist tariffs to protect American industry and farmers from foreign competition.

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But they were not the cause of the Great Depression.

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As Murray Rothbard has explained very well, the Federal Reserve, which was a relatively new institution in this 20th century,

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because of the tremendous interventions that took place because of World War I,

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money and macroeconomic instability was really the rule after World War I.

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The Federal Reserve was actually instead of a passive institution, it was an active institution,

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and it set us up for a depression by the end of the 1920s.

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We were going to pretty much have a depression at the end of the 1920s, no matter what.

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Now, two of the two things helped make that depression great.

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The first one was Herbert Hoover's response to the Great Depression.

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Hoover was not a free market capitalist, but he was very much an interventionist,

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almost a progressive in that sense.

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And he took drastic actions as much as the federal government had power to do,

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and the moral suasion that the White House provided.

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He launched himself with the stock market crash into moral suasion to keep prices high,

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to keep wages high.

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And when 1930 came around and we were in the depths of the depression,

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the Smoot-Hawley legislation made its way through Congress as sort of a last-ditch effort

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to help save particular American voting blocks.

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And Hoover, who had opposed the idea for a long time, ended up signing the legislation,

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and that made the Great Depression great.

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It made it much worse than it would have otherwise had been,

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but it was part and parcel of Hoover's overall approach.

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So he was urging American businesses to keep prices high and to keep wages high,

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and that's one thing that tariffs do is, in terms of protectionism,

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is they help keep prices high and they help keep wages in certain industries at least high.

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But unfortunately, higher prices and higher wages as you're going into a depression

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is really the last thing you want.

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Austrians typically advise that deflation is really the solution to a depression

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where you allow prices and you allow wages to fall, to reestablish equilibrium in the economy.

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So while tariffs did not cause the Great Depression of the 1930s,

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that was the work of the Federal Reserve, and everyone pretty much agrees with that,

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you'll get a general consensus that Smoot-Hawley was not the cause of the Great Depression,

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but everybody also agrees that it made things much worse.

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And so, again, it's a cause-and-effect mixture that is confusing Americans here.

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It would be like if we went back to 2010 with Auburn University's national championship football team,

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and every time Auburn was losing a game, I would switch the chairs that I was in while I was watching the game,

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and Auburn would go from losing to winning the game.

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And so I would argue that me switching chairs during the game whenever Auburn was down

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was the reason Auburn University won the national championship in football.

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And I still hold to that position, but most people would argue that I'm confusing cause-and-effect,

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and that my changing chairs during the football game had really no impact

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about how the season turned out for the Auburn football team.

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Okay, so we have many good reasons to be confused about tariffs in general

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and tariffs specifically in American history.

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So when we come to today, as we begin 2025, we're told that tariffs are going to do all sorts of things.

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President Trump used tariffs in his first term.

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Those tariffs were kept by President Joe Biden and actually expanded in some respects,

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and now President Trump in his second term is coming back in

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and claiming that tariffs are going to do all sorts of good things.

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The first and most general thing is it's going to get back at China,

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and I'm not exactly sure or could I describe a clear game plan here,

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but President Trump has announced that he's going to place a general tariff

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on the importation of Chinese goods.

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He's also announced that he's going to put tariffs on goods coming in from Mexico and Canada.

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And the goals for this is to stem the tide of illegal immigration,

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to stem the tide of illegal drugs coming in from those countries,

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as well as supporting American jobs and American factories and things of that nature.

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Now, I guess both with the Chinese and the Mexican and Canadian tariffs,

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it's a clear mixture here of economic policy in the form of tariffs

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and foreign policy, and it appears to be a type of negotiating tactic.

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But all of those problems can be quickly and effectively dealt with by specific policies,

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specific economic policies that would have really nothing directly to do with China,

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Mexico or Canada, but more or less cleaning up our own policy agendas.

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It's not so much that we Americans benefit, for example, from cheap importations of Chinese goods

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and goods coming in from Mexico and from Canada.

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We get an enormous amount of resources and goods from all three of those countries

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that come into us at lower prices than we ourselves can produce.

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But that doesn't mean that we don't have any policies that can deal with illegal immigration

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or the immigration problem in general, the importation of illegal goods and fentanyl

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and things of that nature, and there's specific policies that we have access to,

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that we can enact in the United States that facilitate good job formation

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and factory formation, that are general policies that would naturally induce the construction of factories

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and the construction of jobs.

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We clearly saw that the government's effort to sort of bulldoze us in with the CHIPS Act

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and the protectionism under President Trump and President Biden, those clearly didn't work.

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And any kind of job creation came at an enormous expense.

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All of those policies were, in any kind of cost-benefit analysis, were clearly loser-type policies.

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Another reason for tariffs as a negotiating tool, I guess in this case,

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is to prop up the value of the U.S. dollars.

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The BRIC countries, Brazil, Russia, India, China, now South Africa and several other countries

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are working on coming up with an alternative to the U.S. dollar to offset the monopoly of the U.S. dollar.

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It's not that these countries don't like the U.S. dollar or they're adverse to trading with it.

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Their governments would like essentially to have the same exorbitant privilege

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that our government and our Federal Reserve has in terms of inflation.

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But the reason they're able to push this agenda is that the U.S. dollar has been abused

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by our government and by our central bank, you know, the placing of sanctions on other countries

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and the freezing of assets, dollar-denominated assets and government bonds and so forth.

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We're using these economic policies aggressively against these countries and they don't like it, okay?

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So this is an area of, it's not just economics.

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This is an area of foreign policy and protectionism.

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Another thing that's, you know, perennially in the works is that tariffs will help our auto industry

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and our steel industry create jobs.

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But we've already recently seen that any kind of job creation has come at an enormous cost

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to American consumers and to American businesses.

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And a final, and this has happened in the past, but it's happened in the present as well,

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is that tariffs will offset taxes, reduce the national debt, reduce deficits, things of that nature.

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But that's all not true.

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Tariffs are very bad revenue raisers and so we should not expect any less burden in terms of other taxes.

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We shouldn't see any real debt in deficit spending or the growth of the national debt as a result of increased tariffs.

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And in any case, tariffs are not really paid for by foreigners.

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Foreigners are not going to pay those things.

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Those are going to be paid by American consumers in the form of higher prices and American businesses in terms of higher input cost.

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So it's all going to be paid for by Americans.

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And so just switching the name and switching the source from, say, income taxes to tariff revenue or deficits being reduced by tariff revenue,

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that's still all going to come out of Americans pockets.

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Plus, you're going to induce lots of very bad distortions in the economy, particularly in the short run.

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And you're going to create all sorts of inefficiencies in the long run as an inefficient Americans at producing product X

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have to come online in order to replace the efficient foreign production of product X.

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I'm going to put a lot of references in the show notes and in particular my recent paper on Ludwig von Mises

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and his general understanding of bad economic policy and the role of protectionism and tariffs in that area.

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And creating bad economic policy starts with economic intervention at home.

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In terms of creating bad economic policy, Ludwig von Mises really showed us the way the interconnections between the various levels of bad economic policy

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and how you go from one bad economic policy to another and eventually to chaos and destruction.

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So it all begins with interventionism, domestic protectionism in the local economy.

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So this is all the micro economic policies that the United States is just filled with in every most almost every other country

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is also just loaded up with all sorts of domestic interventionist policy.

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And here we're talking about regulations.

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We're talking about licensing the professions and even the minimum wage law really is a good example of this domestic interventionism

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that seemingly has nothing to do with things like international economic policy, foreign policy and war.

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But ultimately it does with the minimum wage law that disadvantages low skilled workers.

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Okay, some people get the minimum wage job, but a lot of people are left out in the cold, not having access to any economic jobs

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and having to rely on charity and welfare.

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But the minimum wage also advantages high skilled labor.

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It protects high skilled labor by keeping low skilled workers from competing with high skilled workers.

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So the same is obviously going to be true with licensing.

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Licensing advantages the people with the licenses to a particular profession.

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And it disadvantages people who don't have a license and they can't get into a profession.

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So they have to go to their second best or third best job opportunity.

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So they're going to be disadvantaged or end up worse yet on welfare.

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And then of course regulation. We all hate regulation, right? We all hate red tape.

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And the big breakdown here is that regulations are an advantage to big business.

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Big businesses, big corporations, multinational corporations, they have, you know, whole sections in their company

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with accountants and lawyers and people to look after all of the regulations and to fill out all the paperwork.

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So that's really an advantage to the big corporations where it's a disadvantage to small businesses

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who don't have lawyers and don't have, you know, accounting departments

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and people to fill out all the paperwork or who even know how to fill out the paperwork.

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So, you know, it's advantages and disadvantages throughout the economy, producing virtually no benefits whatsoever,

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just creating a lot of red tape and protectionism for particular people.

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You know, say in my little town, profession X, all of a sudden the government,

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the local government requires people to work in that profession to have a license.

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Well, the people who have a license in that profession in my town can effectively keep out new competitors

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and so they can raise their prices.

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And so that means that I have to pay higher prices to use that service.

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And so what's my natural inclination is to either not use that service.

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Of course, I could always pay the higher price and many people have to.

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Or maybe I can go outside of my little hometown to somewhere in the outlying areas to hire somebody in that profession,

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whether it's a county or my doctor or a barber or whatever it happens to be,

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I can travel a little ways and avoid the extra cost that that license imposes.

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Now, of course, my county could impose the same licensing requirements,

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so I'd have to go outside of the county somewhere else in my state to get those same services.

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It might mean a longer trip, a greater cost, but I could still save money potentially,

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depending on how severe the licensing requirements are.

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And so you can see that this domestic local intervention creates an incentive for people to move their business

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outside of those local areas.

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And of course, eventually, you know, sometimes that leads people not just outside of their hometown

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or their home county, but maybe outside their own country to seek professional services or goods.

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You know, so like when I was a kid, everybody bought American cars,

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but as they became more and more expensive without any offsetting quality improvements,

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more and more people started turning to lower cost alternatives from automobiles outside the country.

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And of course, eventually that led to calls for, you know, protectionism at the border,

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so that the local producers wanted to stop consumers from accessing goods and services from outside the country.

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And so that's how domestic interventionism or protectionism leads to international intervention or protectionism.

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And then of course, the biggest example of that is putting tariffs on imports.

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And of course, once the tariffs go into effect, you've created a situation which almost necessitates a foreign policy

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to deal with other countries and to deal with trade.

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And then of course, this protectionism creates animosity between the countries.

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You know, that these foreign producers who had access to markets and were efficient at producing the goods

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were satisfying foreign consumers, and now all of a sudden they've been blocked by protectionist policies from selling their goods.

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And so all of a sudden you've created antagonism, and of course that can get aggressive like it did during the Great Depression.

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The United States imposed tariffs on foreign countries. Foreign countries turned around and imposed tariffs on U.S. goods.

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So it wasn't just a smooth, holly tariff that drove down our standard of living in the United States.

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It was also the fact that other countries were responding to our protectionism with their own protectionism.

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And then of course, inevitably, it is these trade tensions which are sparked by protectionist economic policies

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that create this underlying distrust of other countries' governments, animosity on the part of the citizens versus the foreign governments.

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And it just devolves into a very antagonistic situation where foreign policy devolves into a military type policy involving things like sanctions,

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but eventually outright warfare. And we saw this clearly with World War I and World War II, but we see this even in the modern context.

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It seems clear that countries, and in particular U.S. interventionism abroad, doesn't really have anything to do with any ideals of any sort,

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but usually really rests on this basic economic conflict created by governments where people are fighting over oil and energy and pipelines and trade routes and those kind of things.

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So that, you know, Mises clearly explained how even domestic interventionism can lead right on past protectionism at the border to outright military conflict.

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I have a paper where I summarize and provide a little graphical analysis for Mises' views on protectionism and international trade, which I will link in the show notes to this episode,

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and I'll link a lot of other resources on tariffs and protectionism for your further elaboration of this topic.

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Well, this has been another episode of the Unanimity podcast. I'm Mark Thornton at the Mises Institute. Thank you for listening.

